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Not everyone wants AI in their browser. Firefox 148 is introducing easy toggles to disable chatbots and AI tab grouping. Discover how Mozilla is prioritising user choice and privacy in its latest 2026 update.
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The next conflict may be decided by who controls space. But who controls space may be decided back on planet Earth.
Even as low-cost, AI-infused constellations proliferate, the center of gravity for modern space warfare remains the terrestrial networks that bind them: ground stations, uplink nodes, undersea cables, and more. As China expands its space-control networks on a global scale—a focus of its grand strategy—its new infrastructure in South America, Asia, and Africa also means new vulnerabilities. That may give small teams of U.S. special operators a strategic and possibly decisive role in future combat.
The following is a “useful fiction,” designed to promote reflection about the future of space, technology, and special operations. Written in support of U.S. Special Operations Command and Joint Special Operations University, the story blends a fictionalized narrative scenario with non-fiction research.
NEUQUÉN PROVINCE, Argentina—Col. Scot Shieh’s career in Air Force Special Operations had taken him across the full spectrum of SOCOM’s missions, from flying close air support for a Marine Raider unit in East Africa to one particularly cold deep insertion of a JSOC team above the Arctic Circle. Yet he never expected that his first command of a full special operations task force would be about controlling outer space.
The thought left him unable to suppress a smile, the only part of his face showing underneath his helmet. Then the expression returned to a frown at the downside of command. It pained the pilot in him that his seat for TF Jupiter was not in the cockpit of the tiltrotor, but stuck in the back, crammed among enough communications relays, servers, and sensor-fusion gear to fill a CONEX.
Moving down from his commander’s virtual reality combat helmet, Shieh wore a conforming ballistic vest that flexed with his movements over a black thermal shirt and form-fitting black pants fitted with “pincher” auto-tourniquets cued to integrated bio-sensors. It was a look that his family back in Providence, Rhode Island, never would have imagined, but they were partly to blame. One hot summer weekend, his father had taken him and his brother out to see a Blue Angels demonstration flight over nearby Newport. Between the dazzling aerobatics and a stop for ice cream at Newport Creamery on the way home, it had been about as perfect a day as a 3rd-grader could imagine. Immediately after they’d come home, he had marched upstairs to his room and memorialized the outing with a blue-and-yellow-crayon drawing of the jets. Stubborn then as now, he’d decided to join the Air Force that very day after his annoying older brother made fun of him for a big “ARE FORS” scrawled on the jets’ wings. What did his brother know? The Navy had ships; the Air Force had planes. Shieh was an experienced joint force commander now, but he still thought he had that right.
Sitting to his left was Sgt. Maj. Viola Rodrigo, who wore much of the same kit. She’d served in the Ranger Regiment’s Regimental Reconnaissance Company for most of her career, meaning her familiarity with raiding missions was an asset in the air and would be even more so on the ground. Unlike Shieh, her viewscreen was flipped up. She cared less about the data displayed in the flying tactical operations center than how Shieh and the TOC team flying with him responded. Plus, as the unit’s senior NCO, a part of her knew that she could tell just as fast as –– or faster than –– any mission-assist AI when something critical was about to happen.
The tiltrotor hung in the air, almost weightless, when it crested the jagged Andean ridgeline and then dipped low to follow the rocky terrain toward the Espacio Lejano Station. The view through the windows showed them flying at head height off the ground, but Shieh’s eyes stayed focused on what was displayed on the command helmet’s lens. Its settings allowed him to shift back and forth between augmented and virtual reality with an exaggerated blink. Then gaze-tracking software would allow him to select which feed he wanted to focus on. He quickly checked the status of the various components of TF Jupiter, then ensured that they had maintained cohesion with the other SOCOM missions set to simultaneously hit targets around the world, from Kourou in French Guiana to Biak in Indonesia and Malinda, Kenya. In many ways, it was a graphical rendering of what they had called back in training the “compound security dilemma”: how Command & Control Area of Responsibility/Theater of OPs had to be non-linear, non-contiguous, and trans-theater, involving simultaneous ops at multiple echelons.
<<Be aware, there are two additional Sharp Claw platoons detected at the airfield’s southern perimeter>>, Shieh’s tactical AI messaged in a pop-up hanging in the air in front of him.
Rodrigo had already brought her visor back down, the NCO’s sixth sense kicking in, and her and Shieh’s views automatically shifted to the tactical map. It now showed a pair of red icons on the 3-D rendering of the target, representing two units of small machine-gun-armed wheeled robots. There was no need to message the rest of the TF Jupiter; the command network AI automatically updated the tactical displays of all. But it would be most essential for the SOCOM advance force element that would be the first to deal with what it meant. Just beyond the red icons Shieh tracked the movements of the four American commandos who had inserted into the area via civilian vehicles a day ago. Moving ever closer was the main U.S. assault force, comprising two C-17s racing toward their objective: the 2,000-meter runway built by the People’s Liberation Army at the Espacio Lejano Station. The first aircraft held two Ranger assault platoons and the second carried a combined force of a Ranger security element and Space Force and intelligence agency personnel.
The tiltrotor dropped again, seemingly in free fall, then the engines surged. The two pilots from the Army’s 160th Special Operations Aviation Regiment seemed to be making this an especially bumpy ride. Like every pilot ever to ride as a passenger, Shieh knew he could have done better.
“Radar started tracking us, sir, but we shook it,” one of the pilots explained in a gentle voice that sounded library-quiet.
The temptation for Shieh in a moment like this was to cue up the pilot’s view; but that was no longer his role in command. Just as he had to trust the Task Force commander’s decisions about how they fit into the overall operation, Shieh had to trust the Night Stalkers and the onboard AI to keep the command tiltrotor in the air. If he was honest, the aircraft’s value to the mission was as much the cloud server as the humans on board. Hugging the ground, it relayed and received signals from eight Tactical Air Launched Network or “Talon” drones that flew around it, surfing spectrum and datalinks like a swarm of mosquitos to ensure the SOCOM officer could link with his troops.
Knowing that Shieh would focus on the new threats, Rodrigo quickly checked the status of the 30-strong Navy SEAL platoon at Kourou, inserting in their own maritime domain. She pushed a feed of visual imagery from the SEAL commander: mostly a gray-blue underwater blur from his helmet cams.
“Check this, sir,” Rodrigo said.
As Shieh tuned in, he wondered how they felt; all those hours of painful training at SEAL Qualification Training and yet now their amphibious combat bots towed them in. He had no doubt they could have done the swim, but the insertion point had been six kilometers out to sea, which made this the smarter option.
A quick message to the SEAL commander –– with whom Shieh attended the Naval War College seven years before –– confirmed that the naval commandos were still synchronized with the rest of TF Jupiter’s simultaneous operations around the world. Just about when the C-17s would be detected, the SEAL team would surface to begin its part of the mission: seizing one of the Long March rockets carrying what intelligence believed to be a cube-sat network for the PLAN carrier task force sortieing from Hainan.
• • •
China’s decades-long growth in global power had brought the kid from Providence to Patagonia, and set the stage for a simmering conflict that had finally turned hot.
Deep in the desert of Patagonia, the Espacio Lejano Station complex was centered around a massive 35-meter antenna. In 2012, as part of a local economic development push that aligned with China’s growing global ambitions, the Argentine government had leased the complex to the Chinese government for 50 years, tax-exempt, making it Beijing’s first Chinese deep-space Earth station outside China. It had since coordinated communications for everything from Chinese lunar missions to research on Mars. It had also become the PLA’s most important foreign ground station for space operations.
Yet this growth and expansion in interests around the world also created a new strategic opportunity for the U.S. military –– and SOCOM in particular. Belt-an- Road Initiative investments by Chinese government and private-sector interests had bloomed on every continent, which Beijing and the Communist Party used to their advantage in an increasingly zero-sum game against the American military, economy, and even culture. Yet for every new PLA base, billion-yuan investment, or cabal of local politicians entangled in bribes or contracts, a new potential point of vulnerability emerged. The CCP’s global infrastructure had painstakingly been built up over decades. Now, the American war plan was to show how it could be taken away in a matter of hours.
As American conventional forces strode across key chokepoints in the global economy and deployed to defend allies, SOCOM meshed into the effort by taking advantage of its unique capabilities and global presence. The target list ranged from rare-earth mines in Tanzania and Vietnam to ports in Sri Lanka and Djibouti. In some cases, the attacking force would be locals angry at China’s increasingly imperious exploitation of their homelands, now trained and equipped to do something about it by SOCOM’s Jedburgh program. In other settings, it would be unilateral SOCOM operations like TF Jupiter.
The way it was explained to Shieh and the other task force commanders, each of the missions on its own could be misinterpreted as the kind of pinprick or nuisance raids that special forces were often visualized as playing when the big boys finally escalated to all-out conventional war. And yet, in culmination and through coordination, this global raid operational model aspired to have strategic effects. Many were designed not just to take away a PLA capability, but to force third-party nations to decide which side they would be on, and understand that China may have made an infrastructure investment in the past, but it would not be able to protect it any longer.
Of all the task forces, TF Jupiter sought to present China’s leaders with perhaps the clearest strategic dilemma that came with having global ambitions. By seizing the Earth-side satellite control and tracking stations, launch facilities, and fiber networks needed to transmit and coordinate space-based data beyond one’s own region, China’s space prowess would be dealt as heavy a blow as if the entirety of the SOCOM task forces suited up in vacuum suits and fought it out among the stars. SOCOM’s intel and psyops shops had determined that it would have a devastating operational and morale effect on PLA units, who had grown ever more dependent on space-based assets the more advanced they’d become. Even more, the near-instant loss of a national point of pride, built up over 50 years of investment and celebrated constantly in their propaganda, would also have a massive political and psychological impact. Even in a world of AI and quantum space networks, the mind mattered the most.
In many ways, Shieh and his team were playing out the physical version of the ransomware gangs that constantly frayed the cyber networks. Only instead of asking for billions in crypto, his unit was the operational manifestation of a simple demand to Beijing:
If you ever want back what we’ve taken –– end the war. Or else…
• • •
“One minute out, sir,” the pilot said.
The tiltrotor lurched, losing 20 feet of altitude. We must be just a few feet off the hard deck, Shieh thought.
“Sir, we’ve still got a patrol of quads from the PLA base after us, gonna stay bumpy for a bit until we get you on the deck,” the pilot said. Shieh felt the tiltrotor vibrate as it ejected a stream of fist-sized disruptor drones to go after the pursuing PLA quadcopters.
Shieh checked the mission clock and thought of the SEAL platoon just moments from surfacing. Pulses pounding and steady breathing, the naval commandos would be watching similar feeds, only their view came from a wave of lobster-like drones squiggling up the beach to scout and neutralize any nearby patrols.
50 seconds to go.
A gentle flute-like tone sounded in his headset.
<<We’re inside the air defense system>> This was from a Cyber National Mission Force unit working in support of SOCOM. <<Flight path now clear for WRANGLER 21. All PLA radar offline. Sending CMC VIP aircraft protocols to PLA drones in the area>>
Now the first C-17 carrying the Rangers would be safe to land, identified in the Chinese battle network as carrying members of the Chinese Communist Party’s Central Military Commission. It was an old trick, a variation of how Israel had spoofed Syrian air defenses decades earlier.
Shieh worried about the PLA Strategic Support Forces space assets overhead. Between their spy satellites and the commercial Earth trackers used for everything from weather to agricultural data, there was a chance they’d give away the trick. Yet they had a plan for that: in-orbit dazzlers temporarily blinded commercial and government satellite. It was a capability aboard some kind of U.S. Air Force maneuvering space platform that even Shieh didn’t have clearance to get completely briefed on.
• • •
Over the next few minutes, the in-flight TOC was a swirl of managing data inputs as the Army tiltrotor orbited in the area, dipping behind ridgelines and down into riverbeds. This aspect of human cognition and perception was different in the 2030s than it had been for soldiers and airmen a generation ago, who focused on what was in front of them. They also knew there was a risk that the enemy was spoofing the U.S. networks and data at that very moment too. That the very human impulse to confirm whether what one seeing was true or real became even more powerful. It was also why the unit’s AI battle-management system was crucial in mitigating the kind of tunnel vision that came from being able to monitor the most minute details, even down to the number of rounds left in a Ranger’s rifle.
The lead C-17 landed without taking any small-arms fire. Rodrigo silently approved as the two platoons of Rangers ran to the fighting positions that had been suggested by the battlefield AI. Alongside them rolled the two six-wheeled armored battle bots. The soldiers called them Dumbo for the ballistic shields that opened up on each side to provide cover.
As soon as the C-17 was clear, explosions rocked the surrounding PLA base. Some 28 bunkers, APCs, trucks, and a radar site disappeared over the course of two seconds. This was the work of missiles fired from two U.S. submarines off the coast of Chile, which hit the known fixed targets, and strikes by loitering munitions launched by the advance team marking the mobile targets. It was risky to hit the targets after the landing, but it meant the forces were on the ground before the Chinese defenders were fully alert and rendered the runway unusable.
Shieh used standard optical sensors on one of his Talon drones to watch the Rangers move through the smoke and flame toward the main building complex at Espacio Lejano. While the PLA quadcopters and advanced defenses were down, the PLA clearly had anticipated this kind of scenario and fired unguided mortars at the Rangers. This momentarily halted the advance.
Returning to his battle-management view, Shieh watched icons representing three Ranger squads deploy backpack-carried Hatchet kamikaze drones armed with thermobaric warheads. The blue arrow-shaped icons blinked across the display for a moment then winked out, as did the PLA icons representing the mortar pits. He quick-cued the nose-cam footage of one of the drones, confirming that there were uniformed PLA soldiers manning the mortars to ensure no civilian personnel were nearby. This was a no-holds barred global fight but the narrative still mattered, perhaps even more. The AI system already approved the Rangers use of the Hatchets, but as Task Force commander Shieh wanted to verify himself. It was a lesson learned from the PLA recently carrying out an adversarial network attack on the image categorization system of a SOCOM battle box used by a Marine Corps Raider unit deployed near Bagamoyo Port in Tanzania; this hack led to a drone strike on an empty civilian bus erroneously classified as a PLA Sharp Claw unmanned ground vehicle.
A haptic pulse on Shieh’s helmet snapped him out of his distraction –– or diversion –– from overseeing all of TF Jupiter.
“Sharpe, you see the situation in Kourou?” Shieh snapped at the analyst sitting at his right. The tilt-rotor’s engines howled and the aircraft climbed, driving him into the seat. He felt frustrated with himself at getting lost in the Rangers’ counterattack on the mortars.
“Tracking it,” Sharpe responded. “They’re working the problem.”
The Ranger-led force was going to prevail over the PLA defenders; the models assured it and his gut told him the same. The SEALs advancing into the Kourou launch facility, however, had hit stiffer defenses than planned.
Shieh cued up the SEAL task group commander’s helmet cam. From that POV, the 100 meters of concrete ahead of them looked a kilometer long as tracer rounds crisscrossed just a few feet above the ground.
The accompanying map showed that the sneaky bastards had hidden a set of autonomous UGVs in the Kourou facility’s trash burn piles. To reach the launchpad, the SEALs would have to cross open terrain under fire. As Rodriguez also dropped in to monitor the SEALs, her stomach knotted. It had all the echoes of a mission from the past that still haunted the command almost two generations later. During 1989’s Operation JUST CAUSE, a SEAL assault on the airfield in Panama where dictator Manual Noriega kept a getaway jet had gone bad, Four SEALs died and eight were wounded crossing sections of exposed runway.
Yet the benefit of historical analogs is that you can learn from them. Without any instruction from the TOC, the SEALs split into groups of two operators, dispersing behind cover and drawing the defending robots away from the main objective. As they did, the unit’s sniper team deployed to a hide that the AI map had determined was the best fit of cover and angle. With a .50-caliber long-range rifle, the sniper began firing EXACTO guided rounds, one by one, calmly landing hits at predetermined target spots on the rocket’s payload section and nose cone.
The benefit of past hindsight and new technology was that there was no need to rush out in the open to gain the tactical effect they wanted.
• • •
A hard thump rocked Shieh in his seat and he lifted his VR visor. The tilt-rotor had set down just off the eastern edge of the runway., At a tap from Rodrigo, he followed her out of the tilt-rotor. Shieh carried his assault rifle at the ready, but still wore his command VR headset. Rodrigo jogged slightly in front of him and to his left, calling out a smoldering quadcopter and piles of shell casings lest he trip if his attention was elsewhere.
They had landed a quick jog from the main control facility, a four-story glass and steel building that looked out of place in the austere Patagonian setting. During the workup, the planners referred to it as the “Lejano Tower of Pisa.” Up close, you could see that the gleaming building was a cheaply printed structure that leaned to one side, likely from bad engineering. Inside was the real prize: a control room offering direct network access to the entire constellation of PLA satellites and other space systems.
Ahead of them, their AR display layered blue over a bulldozer-like PLA construction vehicle. Shieh wondered if their system was having a glitch, or even worse, had been hacked. Rodriguez answered his unanswered question: “Our guys hotwired it!” The bulldozer, now mobile cover, began to advance with Rangers behind it.
The two ran toward the control building’s entrance. Smoke billowed from second-story windows, but overall the building seemed intact.
Shieh shook hands with Maj. Rannoch, the lead Ranger element’s commander, who quickly briefed him on the situation. The two of them shifted to seemingly stare into the distance, watching as a swarm of seeker drones worked their way through the third floor’s eastern rooms, moving ahead of a squad of Rangers clearing the building.
“Most of the PLA guard force inside surrendered; without their bots they didn’t want to engage. That’s working external, too, but we––”
In mid-word, Rodrigo tackled Shieh and Rannoch, a double clothesline that knocked them down. A moment later, a volley of machine-gun fire raked the building above their heads. She popped up to return fire, automatically cued towards the source with the help of instantaneous inputs to the lens’ AR.
The enemy fire stopped and Rodrigo looked back down at the two. The blank expression on her face showed that she was well used to putting officers in their place, both figuratively and literally.
“Need to be more careful, sirs,” she said, helping them to their feet. Before Shieh could think of an appropriate reply, a message popped up in their visor screens.
“WRANGLER 22’s on approach.”
Soon after, they heard the C-17’s tires chirp on touchdown. A few moments later its engines howled as they reversed thrust, sending the jet rolling backward after its improbably abrupt stop.
A parade of ground- and air-defense systems raced down the jet’s rear ramp, followed by another Ranger platoon and an equal number of personnel from U.S. Space Force and the intelligence community. Among the group were two of NSA’s elite TAO hackers, looking out of place. One looked to weigh almost 300 pounds and the other couldn't be a day older than 18, thought Shieh, but they would be as essential to defending and holding this base against the inevitable PLA counterattack as the special operators.
There was a burst of gunfire in the building above and then silence. Shieh didn’t need the map to tell him that the Ranger squad had secured the building.
He flipped up the lens and took in the scene around them. Dust from the C-17s and smoke from the explosions obscured the night sky’s stars, but Shieh knew they were still there, just on the other side of what was literally a fog of war. Only now, what they had done in the dirt here would create a more massive digital version of that fog for the enemy around the world.
He and Rodrigo moved into the facility’s main entrance. Some sort of mobile-like space sculpture that had once dangled from the ceiling lay in a rat’s nest of crystal and fake marble. The bodies of two dead PLA soldiers were sprawled behind a maroon leather couch that had afforded them no protection.
For all the signs of recent close-quarters combat, the damage was limited. Even the lights were still on and the elevator was operative. The same was evident from the images pushed from the Ranger as they had cleared the rooms. Most importantly, it showed that the control room itself had not been destroyed; the unarmed civilian techs locked inside had decided to surrender to the fearsome Rangers, who had knocked on the glass window of its door with a packet of C-4, the message not needing to be translated.
Shieh allowed himself to smile once more as to what that meant. Not only was he the leader of a SOCOM task force that just met with mission success. He was—at least until the Space Force arrived inside—also technically in command of the world’s largest satellite network.
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A sophisticated new phishing campaign is targeting Apple Pay users, leveraging high-quality email design and social engineering to bypass security measures. Unlike typical scams that rely on poorly spelled emails and suspicious links, this campaign uses a “hybrid” approach involving both email and phone fraud, often called “vishing”, to steal Apple IDs and payment data. […]
The post Apple Pay Users Targeted by Phishing Attack Aimed at Stealing Payment Details appeared first on GBHackers Security | #1 Globally Trusted Cyber Security News Platform.
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German intelligence and security agencies have issued a high-priority warning regarding a sophisticated cyber espionage campaign targeting military officials, diplomats, and investigative journalists across Europe. The Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz (BfV) and the Federal Office for Information Security (BSI) identified the attackers as likely state-sponsored actors utilizing social engineering to compromise accounts on the encrypted messaging […]
The post State-Backed Hackers Target Military Officials and Journalists on Signal in Latest Cyberattack appeared first on GBHackers Security | #1 Globally Trusted Cyber Security News Platform.
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Germany’s Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (aka Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz or BfV) and Federal Office for Information Security (BSI) have issued a joint advisory warning of a malicious cyber campaign undertaken by a likely state-sponsored threat actor that involves carrying out phishing attacks over the Signal messaging app. “The focus is on high-ranking targets in
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A new wave of phishing campaigns where scammers are abusing Google’s legitimate infrastructure to bypass security filters. Attackers are now creating free developer accounts on Google Firebase to send fraudulent emails that impersonate well-known brands. By leveraging the reputation of the Firebase domain, these attackers are successfully landing in users’ inboxes, bypassing standard spam detection […]
The post Hackers Exploit Free Firebase Accounts to Launch Phishing Campaigns appeared first on GBHackers Security | #1 Globally Trusted Cyber Security News Platform.
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Digital squatting has evolved from a simple trademark nuisance into a dangerous cybersecurity threat. In 2025, the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) handled a record-breaking 6,200 domain name disputes. This figure continues a troubling trend, with cybersquatting cases rising by 68% since the 2020 pandemic. Today, criminal networks use these fake domains not just to […]
The post Hackers Exploit Cybersquatting Tactics to Spread Malware and Steal Sensitive Information appeared first on GBHackers Security | #1 Globally Trusted Cyber Security News Platform.
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The 4th Infantry Division is working to scale testing of the Army’s next-generation command-and-control system from a battalion to division level by this summer, the division’s commander told reporters on Thursday.
The Colorado-based unit is coming off of more than two weeks in the field for its latest Ivy Sting exercise, Maj. Gen. Pat Ellis said, the fifth since the series began in September. This time, they increased from the ability to shoot from one networked artillery system to six, among other incremental advancements.
“So the joke I like to make is we are no longer fighting with the network. We are now fighting using the network,” Ellis said, alluding to previous iterations of Army command-and-control that kept data on multiple systems and devices that prevented commanders on the battlefield from seeing a full picture all at once.
With more than a dozen vendors involved in its development, led by Anduril and Palantir, NGC2 is one of the Army’s premier experiments within its Continuous Transformation approach to developing new technology: Rather than spend a decade building a program to completion, then sending it out to the field only to learn that it’s out of date or missing key components, the Army is building the prototype while soldiers are testing what it can already do in the field, then offering their feedback about what else they need it to do.
“So largely what is being operated out at Ivy Sting is based on commercial components, commercial software practices, or even straight commercial development,” Joe Welch, the Portfolio Acquisition Executive for C2 and Counter-C2, told reporters. “And we are adopting and adapting those based on the guidance and feedback…to ensure that those technologies are aligned to the way that Gen. Ellis and his division need to be prepared to fight.”
That mostly means that all of the sensors and weapons on the battlefield need to be able to feed what they’re seeing and doing into one system, so that commanders can make informed decisions about next moves.
“So it's all in one place, and it's there very, very quickly, so that the staffs can see it across their functional systems,” Ellis said, “You know, the fires person can see what the logistician sees, can see what the intel person sees.”
That’s allowed him to get the information he needs from the software system, rather than “have the hour-long staff meeting” to get updated on what each unit is dealing with.
That includes vehicles and equipment fitted with sensors that track fuel and ammunition levels, so that instead of logistics soldiers having to keep track and write reports, the information goes right into NGC2—and not only can the commander see it, but resupplies can be ordered.
“We've got a tank, a Bradley [fighting vehicle] and several strykers that are outfitted with this capability. We're pulling it in,” Ellis said. “The goal for Sting 5 will be to run that at the battalion level.”
There are also similar sensors on each soldier, tracking their vitals and whether they’ve sustained a casualty. This serves two purposes: medics in the field can track conditions and record treatments that were given at the time of injury, then send that data to surgeons who will receive casualties at a field hospital; and commanders can know how many soldiers are still in the fight and send in the correct reinforcements.
Ivy Sting 4 also tested the soldiers on how to function if something goes wrong with NGC2, like a simulated electromagnetic jammer they had to find without a satellite feed and take out with mortars.
“So in other words, a denied, degraded, intermittent, and limited environment where we were essentially cut off from the division’s cloud, but we were still able to battle track and execute our tasks at the squadron level internally,” said Lt. Col. Shawn Scott, who commands 4th Squadron, 10th Cavalry Regiment, 3rd Brigade Combat Team. “And then, as we eliminated that simulated jamming threat, and we were able to reestablish connection back with division and brigade, we watched how our feeds fed back into division, and likewise, division back down to us seamlessly.”
The next step, for Ivy Mass in May, Scott said, is to bring out a red team from Army Training and Transformation Command to further attack the system and force 4th IDto diagnose and fix issues without warning.
The division will show off what they can do as a full division this summer at Project Convergence Capstone 6, Ellis said, then get right back to the next Ivy Sting.
“I can tell you that we already have on the calendar, about a month and change after PCC 6, we have Ivy Sting 7,” he said. “So we will continue the Sting series at the pace and volume that we're doing now for Sting 8, Sting 9, Sting 10, as a lead up to what may happen in ‘27, is another opportunity for us to have the whole division fight.”
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The president’s decision to deploy the National Guard in Washington, D.C., is costing taxpayers $1.65 million daily, a total of more than $330 million since August, according to a report released Thursday by Senate Democrats on the Homeland Security Committee. The lawmakers said they investigated the matter “after the Department of Defense failed to respond to questions about the deployment.”Recap: Trump ordered Guard troops to Washington, D.C., seven months ago, citing false and exaggerated statistics about crime in the district, which was at a 30-year low.
The effort includes nearly 2,500 servicemembers from nine states and the District, and that deployment in Washington was recently extended through the end of 2026. Guard officials said they’re “focused on crime suppression in central D.C. but not in locations in Southeast D.C. such as Ward 8, which had the most incidences of violent crime in 2025 of any ward,” according to the report. When asked why they’re staying away, officials admitted the Guard is “a lousy tool for fixing gun crime.”
The Guard is on track to spend more than $602 million per year to patrol what they characterize as “high trafficked” areas around the National Mall.
That’s more than the entire D.C. police force’s annual operating budget, which is estimated at $599 million in fiscal year 2026. “If those federal dollars were instead directed to local law enforcement, the District of Columbia would have additional resources to address crime and public safety more effectively, especially by focusing support on the neighborhoods experiencing the highest levels of violence,” they said in their report, reflecting the recommendations of researchers and policing experts.
Also: The White House cut $811 million in grants for community violence intervention and law enforcement last April. As Marc Novicoff the The Atlantic wrote in October, “The Trump administration says a primary goal of its National Guard deployments is to reduce crime. Taking that claim at face value—a dubious proposition—it is hard to think of a less efficient way of doing so than shifting funds away from violence prevention and local law enforcement and toward troops who stand in low-crime areas and don’t make arrests.”
To date, Trump’s Guard deployment to D.C. has “resulted in no directly attributable impact on crime, risks diverting law enforcement resources away from cities, lacks clearly defined goals and metrics, and is contributing to rising concern that the Administration is militarizing U.S. cities for political purposes,” the lawmakers said in their report Thursday. That’s at least in part because “months into the mission, the National Guard cannot point to tangible crime reduction successes specifically tied to their efforts,” they said after visiting with military officials.
“The D.C. National Guard has clearer metrics on their beautification effort,” which includes painting 270 feet of fence and pruning 65 trees in the District. But the Department of Defense “has not done a comparative analysis to examine whether their beautification efforts could be achieved at a lower cost by other federal or local partners,” the report says.
The troops from nine states deployed to Washington were sent by their Republican governors. That includes Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina, South Dakota, West Virginia and Ohio. Just five of those states—Ohio, West Virginia, South Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisiana—have at least 64 cities with higher rates of violent crime than D.C., according to FBI data.
The Guard troops are using social-media surveillance software like the Maven Smart System (supported by Palantir) to help with force protection. Why this matters to lawmakers: “Maven was acquired and configured for Title 10 federal activities, including those under Northern Command. It was not contracted for use in Title 32 activities, such as those currently taking place in D.C.”
They’re also using Dataminr First Alert, Meltwater, and Cision. Those applications help “create daily updates for leadership describing public perception and narratives related to the mission,” even though they raise “potential privacy and civil liberties concerns which call for specialized First Amendment safeguards and training more traditionally undertaken by law enforcement officers,” according to the report, which you can read over in full (PDF) here.
Additional reading: “Trump’s aggressive tactics force a reckoning between local leaders and Washington,” the Associated Press reported Friday.
Welcome to this Friday edition of The D Brief, a newsletter focused on developments affecting the future of U.S. national security, brought to you by Ben Watson with Bradley Peniston. It’s more important than ever to stay informed, so we’d like to take a moment to thank you for reading. Share your tips and feedback here. And if you’re not already subscribed, you can do that here. On this day in 1862, the U.S. military notched its first victory of the Civil War when it captured Fort Henry, west of Nashville on the Kentucky-Tennessee border.
Around the Defense Department
The Pentagon could further accelerate its technology purchasing if the services’ emerging-tech budget requests flowed through the office of the defense undersecretary for research, the Government Accountability Office said in a new report published Thursday.
The analysts urge lawmakers to transfer “budget certification authority” for the services’ research and engineering spending to the Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Research and Engineering.
Unsurprisingly, the proposal was not well received by the services, Defense One’s Patrick Tucker writes off the new report. “The Departments of the Army, Air Force, and Navy disagreed,” arguing that the change would lead to “delays, restricted autonomy, and increased workload,” the authors note. But the current setup limits the Pentagon tech chief’s ability to ensure that service purchases fit with broader plans for the joint force, which is a “key role” the office was intended to play. Continue reading, here.
Speaking of budgets, two conservative think tankers share their plans to help the White House spend $600 billion more on the military for a total of $1.5 trillion in 2027. Read that analysis published last month by Elaine McCusker and John Ferrari of the American Enterprise Institute, here.
The Army has cleared three companies to bid on the service’s plan to outsource initial helicopter pilot training, despite some lawmakers’ reservations about the idea, Defense One’s Tom Novelly reports.
Bell, Lockheed Martin, and M1 Support Services have all publicly confirmed this week that they are moving to the third phase of the competition for Flight School Next: a contract to take over the Army’s Initial Entry Rotary Wing training program at Fort Rucker, Alabama. The three companies must submit a Commercial Solutions Proposal for their offering, according to a Dec. 9 call for solutions outlining the process.
Service officials and contractors believe the new model, which is intended to produce 800 to 1,500 Army aviators annually for 26 years, will lower costs by taking the aircraft, maintenance, and training out of the service’s hands. But Congress isn’t convinced. Read more, here.
The U.S. military’s largest shipbuilder, HII, reported increased production in 2025, but said submarine-building schedules could slip if the Navy doesn’t award new contracts by midyear, Defense One’s Lauren C. Williams reported Thursday.
The company has been negotiating with the Navy and General Dynamics Electric Boat on multiyear deals for 10 Virginia-class Block VI attack boats and for the next five Columbia-class submarines, but timing is uncertain, HII CEO Christopher Kastner said Thursday during the company’s earnings call.
In 2025, HII improved shipyard productivity by 14 percent. This year, it is aiming for a 15-percent increase, Kastner said. It also hopes to hire even more workers than the 6,600 it brought on last year. Kastner’s comments come as U.S. shipbuilding demands—and budgets—rise with existing and new programs and the Trump administration pressures builders to move quickly. More, here.
Additional reading:
- “Carrier John F. Kennedy Returns From First Stint At Sea, Completes Builder’s Trials,” U.S. Naval Institute News reported Wednesday;
- And here’s an unusual headline we missed from three weeks ago, “Army secretary says the Dronebuster is 'f*cking terrible' as soldiers continue to use the tech,” Defense Scoop reported on Jan. 16.
Etc.
Amid the backdrop of a rising Chinese military, U.S. drone makers Red Cat, Anduril, and Shield AI are hawking their gear to Asian buyers at the Singapore Airshow this week, Reuters reported on location. But they’re definitely not alone.
“Neros, which has a U.S. Marine Corps contract for its small Archer quadcopter attack drone, aims to establish factories in South Korea, the Philippines, Singapore and Japan to build stockpiles of expendable, explosive-laden drones that could help overwhelm Chinese forces in the event of a Taiwan Strait conflict,” a company official told the wire service on the trade show floor in Singapore.
Additional reading:
- “The American and Chinese Economies Are Hurtling Toward a Messy Divorce,” the Wall Street Journal reported Wednesday;
- “China removes three lawmakers with defence-sector ties after top general probed,” Reuters reported Thursday from Beijing.
And lastly this week, we have a particularly odd report from France, where a hospital was recently evacuated after a man sought treatment for … well, uhm … maybe we should just let British newspaper The Standard pick up the story from here.
Hint: It involves an artillery shell from the first World War.
Be safe out there, folks. Have a great weekend, and we’ll see you again on Monday!
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Cybersecurity researchers have taken the wraps off a gateway-monitoring and adversary-in-the-middle (AitM) framework dubbed DKnife that’s operated by China-nexus threat actors since at least 2019. The framework comprises seven Linux-based implants that are designed to perform deep packet inspection, manipulate traffic, and deliver malware via routers and edge devices. Its primary targets seem to
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