• A critical authentication-bypass vulnerability affecting Palo Alto Networks PAN-OS and Prisma Access is being actively exploited by malicious actors. In response to mounting attacks, the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) added CVE-2026-0257 to its Known Exploited Vulnerabilities (KEV) catalog on May 29, 2026. While the flaw carries a medium CVSSv4 score, security researchers at […]

    The post Palo Alto PAN-OS Authentication Bypass Vulnerability Actively Exploited in the Wild appeared first on GBHackers Security | #1 Globally Trusted Cyber Security News Platform.

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  • Palo Alto Networks has warned that a recently disclosed medium-severity security flaw impacting PAN-OS and Prisma Access has come under active exploitation in the wild. The vulnerability, tracked as CVE-2026-0257 (CVSS score: 7.8), refers to a case of authentication bypass that could be exploited by bad actors to set up VPN connections. “Authentication bypass vulnerabilities in the

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  • Google has officially made Device Bound Session Credentials (DBSC) generally available for the Chrome browser on Windows. This architectural upgrade delivers a robust defense mechanism against one of the most pervasive threats in the modern cybersecurity landscape: session cookie theft and token exfiltration. Previously restricted to beta testing for Google Workspace environments, DBSC is now […]

    The post Google Chrome’s DBSC Now Generally Available to Prevent Account Takeovers appeared first on GBHackers Security | #1 Globally Trusted Cyber Security News Platform.

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  • Pakistan-linked threat actor SideCopy has launched a highly targeted spear-phishing campaign against Afghanistan’s Ministry of Finance (MoF). The operation surgically targets all 34 provincial revenue directorates, operating under the broader Transparent Tribe (APT36) umbrella. According to threat intelligence reports from Seqrite, the campaign culminates in the deployment of a customized XenoRAT 1.8.7 implant that beacons […]

    The post SideCopy Deploys Persistent XenoRAT Against Afghanistan Finance Ministry appeared first on GBHackers Security | #1 Globally Trusted Cyber Security News Platform.

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  • Until recently, Gen. Frank Donovan ran the Defense Autonomous Warfare Group, the white-hot center of the Pentagon’s drive for affordable mass and battlefield robots. Now he’s in charge of U.S. Southern Command, which is working hard to put the DAWG’s products to use. Defense One sat down with Donovan during SOF Week in Tampa. This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

    Q: You’re an expert in autonomous warfare, as a former leader of the DAWG—for which a nearly unimaginable $50 billion has been requested in the next fiscal year. How do you want to develop and use it at SOUTHCOM?

    A: It's embarrassing to think that I'm an expert on autonomous warfare, because there are folks here that know so much more about the tech and the science and how it all works. I don't know all those things. I've learned a lot about it, but I've really focused on how you actually synchronize those things and bring it to bear, because I think my concern is right now, what I'm sensing—and you know, three years as vice commander of SOCOM, I got to be in the building watching three [program objective memorandum] cycles build. I come up here as a Marine infantry officer, reconnaissance, special operations, but I'm going to talk about what matters. It's budget and resource, and applying those resources to what we actually really need.

    And so, what I started seeing is that even though Ukraine is going on, we're learning some lessons—and that's a whole side topic, which lessons we're learning from Ukraine—but we're seeing things in the South Red Sea, we're seeing things in the operational SOF environment, things I've faced, and I'm like, there's something different here, but how does it compete in the [Pentagon] with the services that hold most of the strengths? They hold the relationship with the defense industrial base, they hold a relationship with Congress. That's just how our government works, and it's healthy, and it's good, but are we going to be able to embrace autonomy? And they then embrace autonomy, not autonomy platforms, because I think we get caught in this a little bit, you know. I don't really care about platforms, I care about autonomous warfare, and are we really willing to take a step forward and embrace autonomous warfare. I think there's definitions, and so three years as vice commander at SOCOM, I saw this tension between what the joint force needs out front— and I'm going to say the joint force, not what our Army, Navy, Air Force components need out front, it's what the joint force needs to fight—and how those autonomous needs actually enter back into the Pentagon, and then get built into a service to actually come out and end up back with the war fighters. That's a misconnect.

    I call it the two Olympic rings. Those two Olympic rings don't touch. When we had it as a very short window, nine months with the Defense Autonomous Warfare Group, I worked for Gen. [Bryan] Fenton [and] Adm. [Frank] Bradley was my boss for SOCOM, but I was working for [Deputy Defense Secretary Stephen] Feinberg. He held the resources. And that's what gets everyone's attention in the Pentagon: who holds the resources? So we could take the needs that came out of Replicator tranche one and two, and then quickly turn and say, ‘What can we bring to bear quickly with what's out there?’ 

    And so we started to see if you match the actual true joint autonomous requirements, your actual needs, with service acquisition, there's something there, there's another ring in the Olympic rings that could be added there, and so what we saw in the DAWG formulating, we then said, well, if we come into SOUTHCOM, how do we actually create the SOUTHCOM Autonomous Warfare Command to address that gap, to address that need, and drive those requirements back up into the DAWG? So that's where we're planning on, and that's the journey we're on with SOCOM.

    Q: You’ve talked about how battlefield networks will enable autonomous-warfare concepts like distributed swarming. And when I talk to Ukrainians, they wish they had such networks. But, of course, Russian electronic-warfare forces work hard to prevent that. How are you approaching this problem?

    A: I think the operational data enterprise—operational data environment, whatever term we want to use—that we have to kind of encapsulate, and that's—the Marine colonel we're bringing in for the SOUTHCOM Autonomous Warfare Command, we talk about this. We don't talk about robots, we talk about the data environment with the different data layers that we need at the very forward edge, so our SOF and our conventional force teammates with an ATAK or a cell phone, that they can actually plug into that data network, and whatever robot shows up with the capability, they can leverage it instantaneously. It doesn't come with a priority stack or a company that we vendor-locked on. It is truly a fully capable system that we can use in selecting the needs, whether it's kinetic, when it's non-kinetic. 

    I think for us in SOUTHCOM, most of the systems we're looking at primarily are domain awareness systems. And for us it just magnifies—because if our partners, who have the access and placement where they live, where they operate, the environments that they have to work in, in the rough terrain, the jungle, over the horizon, thousands of miles at sea— we're working with our partners, going after these [Designated Terrorist Organizations], we have to enhance their domain awareness, but they have to also be able to plug into this environment in a cheap, easy, and very fluid way. And I think if we think about the data layers, the data environment, that's the first thing that we are focused on right now, is setting the environment. Because we can match the robots to the environment, I mean, whether it swims, it flies, it has feet, whatever it does, we have to make it do what we want it to do when we want it to do it without someone telling us, ‘Yeah, it's great only if you use it this way, only if you use my service stack, and only if you connect it to that.’ Unacceptable across the board.

    Q: Are vendors still bringing proprietary systems, or has the open-architecture push actually taken hold?

    A: I think we're starting to see improvements in that. And I would say two years ago, not at all. Everything was solely focused. And the concern is that you get a vendor with well-meaning folks, and a lot of them are retired folks, they got out, they moved on, they want to pitch a piece of kit to a commander, and they get all excited about it. And the problem is: it's great for a specific event or an exercise, but it doesn't have a path forward. 

    The more we, as military leaders, demand open architecture, we have to make sure our demand is clean: “Hey, this is what I need this thing to do for me.” And that's not always clear either, because I think part of it is: folks my age, we're not sure how to embrace autonomy and what this means, and to really give freedom down to the lower edge, that tactical edge, all the way up to lethal effects, without, you know, always a human in, on, next to the loop, but we'll always have that, because there's nothing truly autonomous, there's always someone involved. But we have to think about delegation and empowering ways that autonomy makes people nervous. I mean, if you have a one-way attack, lethal one-way attack system, it's not that we're going to—that's why I'm little concerned that we get over infatuated with FPV.

    Actually, I'd like to move away from FPV entirely, but every time we do, we have someone saying, “Well, what about collateral damage, what about the final go, no-go?” We’ve got to start thinking very differently. The approval to launch the system, or even put it in place, is lethal. 

    What happens often is that we don't come with a clear signal to our tech industry and our vendor partners with what we really want. We just compound it and ask for different things, and all of a sudden, “explosive boat” turns into an ISR platform turns into something else, and we kind of lost track of what we asked industry to do for us. So, I think it's, we both have to learn here for open architecture, but a very clean demand also.

    Q: Commanders don’t like to delegate lethal authority to a robot they can’t court-martial. How do you build trust in autonomous systems?

    A: I think that starts at my level. We have to create environments to develop that trust, and there's some habits we have to break from the last 25, almost 30 years now. 

    Because we had such clarity and the never-blinking eye, and we had ISR everywhere. We could hang over the target without any threat at all, we could just dominate the environment. We could control every factor, minus weather. If the weather is bad, we just wait and go tomorrow. That's a whole different environment. So, we as leaders cannot set conditions in our training and our mindset and our educational process to set that up again, as that's how it's going to be. 

    I think what we owe is to really understand how to delegate and maximize autonomy. How do you empower those digital natives at the lowest levels in set conditions? We don't have training ranges right now that allow us to use these systems to any level of their capability. I think of a certain base, I know that there's a civilian road in between, and anytime we want to fly like a drone across the civilian road to the other training area, that’s like, shut traffic down. We’ve got to get special approval. We're just struggling with that, especially when we want to train in that comms-denied environment, electronic attack. We want to do all those things. So I think part of this is changing the mindset that leaders who grew up at my level, and kind of probably down to the one-star and O-6 level that grew up in a time where we could control all the features and factors, and I didn't have to delegate, because I could see. I could be in the ear of the lead squad and say, ‘What are you doing, move faster, you know, get back on the road.’ 

    Now think about a comms-denied environment where we're not going to be able to talk to them. So are we training the leaders the right way to think? And I come back to being a U.S. Marine, heart and soul of what I've done for 38 years, the delegation down to that NCO level, that non-commissioned officer level at the forward edge, and really let them run in training, make mistakes, and then when it's time, delegate it and just let it go, and that's it, that's something that is different. 

    Q: How can the Pentagon help small, innovative companies increase production to useful levels?

    A: It's a great question, and I think my time with Deputy Secretary of Defense Feinberg, and watching him bring a bit of a business-model approach to this process connected to the DAWG, and the scaling is what we talk about all the time. “Great product, looks great. Can you scale?” But it's not a fair question to ask, because the company is like, “Well, I can, but what's the order?” And we're like, “Well, we're not sure yet, you know, it depends if you scale.”

    One of the best practices we had [at the DAWG] is we took over the Replicator portfolio. The downselects we did, where we went out and visited the operators, the forward commanders. What do you need? Tell us what you need. Brought that knowledge back, brought the companies in, brought the acquisition executives in, and slimmed down the list almost by a third—these folks can't scale, or they can't be open architecture. But once we kind of found the big bets, then we went out to that company, some were small companies. “OK, we're going to help you scale, because we believe your product’s what we're looking for.” It's our job to match and really accelerate you to scale, to meet us on the X with these numbers, and that is what the DepSecWar is pushing us to kind of think through. So I think your DAWG mechanism, and right now there's a discussion, which direction it's going to go, what it'll become, but that's what we want to plug into. So a best of breed. I want to get less away from a piece of tech or a vendor, go to the DAWG and say I'm looking for this capability, let them work in speed. We had sprint development centers where we had operators right next to vendors, right next to tech dev, and right next to the acquisition experts spinning fast, knocking people off the pedestal, putting new people on, and then once we found the bet, we're ready to come with the cash to help them scale.

    So it has to be a very collaborative way forward, I think, if we want to get some of these incredible companies coming up now to really be able to accelerate to scale. But the question of scale is, “We're going to buy X number and then we're moving on.” This is where, I don't think everyone's fully grasping, I think while the defense industrial base kind of struggles with this. I think they struggle with one-way attack systems, because my favorite words are “one way; it ain't coming back.” OK, so if it's not coming back, guess what: it's not coming back to the airfield. You get 20 more years of contract services on this and make lots of money. So, I think that's not good for our current defense industrial base model. We want to use two or three years. If that platform's still viable, upgrade its brains and continue to dev, or get rid of it and go new, and I think that's a scaling discussion that's different than we're used to in the past.

    Q: Are defense companies getting the message that they have to play more like a startup?

    A: Well, it's so complex, because to build a nuclear submarine that shoots a nuclear missile…that is a certain amount of talent and capability, industrial baseline that cannot—we have to increase that, right? I think that some of the smaller things we're seeing, the smaller classes of one-way attack system or drones, they're still paving the way for heavy conventional systems to break through and get the target, so I think there's room for both.

    Q: Yeah, but you still have a lot of big programs of record that it sounds like we can get rid of.

    A: I think you could. I mean, if you think high-wing ISR: do we want to keep making MQ-9-type approaches, or do we want really proliferated, and then you get up into space, P-LEO stuff, but then right below it. How can we do ISR differently? There is a lot of growth there, I think, great opportunity, too. And I think we should really be pushing to set the conditions to have those engagements. That's why I go back to why I think the DAWG is important. It can operate at that DepSecWar level, work with the service acquisition authority, set conditions for those kind of competitions and drawdowns that accelerate once we find the folks that fit in this time window and be able to move on quickly.

    Q: What is your biggest concern?

    A:  I'll give you an answer you probably aren't expecting. What keeps me up at night is attracting quality young Americans to come join the military, because we have to have these young folks replenished in our ranks. Less than 1% serve. We know that. That's good. That's how democracy should be. But are you attracting the right folks for the right reasons? Because they're the ones that are coming in with a lot of those digital-native skills that we need. And then that grit we need also, because in any conflict we're ever going to come into, that is truly the American advantage. It’s the young Americans that have solved so many hard problems on the battlefield in the past, and that's how our nation will survive.

    Q: Are there policies we could change to boost recruiting and retention?

    A: I would look at our pay scale for our E-7s to E-8s and E-9s and quadruple it right now.

    For those folks that stick around or a senior list of leaders, we put so much weight on their shoulders, and you’ve got to think of the sergeant major of the Marine Corps with almost 30 years’ experience, gets paid as much as a senior major or lieutenant colonel. I think that's the talent we cannot afford to bleed off at the apex of their career paths.

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  • A new cyber-focused military service branch would sit under the Army if one senator’s proposal comes to fruition. 

    Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand, D-N.Y., is spearheading a markup amendment to the Senate’s 2027 National Defense Authorization Act that would create a “Cyber Force” as the next armed service branch. The senator’s office confirmed that the amendment proposes to establish the branch under the Army, just as the Space Force and Marine Corps sit under the Air Force and Navy. 

    Similar provisions are reportedly being floated in the House, according to two people familiar with policy discussions. Earlier this year,  Rep. Pat Fallon, R-Texas, told the Center For Strategic and International Studies that a “Cyber Force is inevitable” and “we’re going to get this done.” A Fallon spokesperson did not respond to multiple requests for comment on Friday asking about a potential amendment.

    “New and escalating cyber threats on the battlefield demand a change to our current approach. The status quo and years of incremental changes are not meeting the current threat and are insufficient as that threat grows,” Gillibrand told Defense One in an emailed statement.  “I believe, and many experts agree, that the creation of a dedicated Cyber Force will ensure the United States is ready to fight and win on the modern battlefield and protect our national security.”

    The proposed amendment marks the latest push in a years-long effort. Gillibrand and House lawmakers have backed the idea before. In the 2025 National Defense Authorization Act, lawmakers commissioned the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine to study “alternative organizational models for the cyber forces of the Armed Forces.” Those findings have not been released. Details from the amendments showing what a Cyber Force might look like are not yet public, but think tanks and national security experts have already been pitching their own force designs.

    A 2024 Foundation for Defense of Democracies report concluded that a Cyber Force could sit under the Army, muster about 10,000 personnel, and need a budget of around $16.5 billion. In August 2025, the FDD and the Center for Strategic and International Studies announced a commission on Cyber Force Generation. A report from those think tanks is scheduled to be released next month.

    One former military official said there would be strengths to a cyber-focused service, but putting it under the Army is a bad idea. They argued that cyber would remain a secondary priority amid the branch’s many missions.

    “The Army is the largest service by far,” the former official said. “Manpower-wise, it's like half the department, and it's like, ‘we'll put it under because it'll be easy for the Army to just put in another force.’ It's already hard enough to run the Army as it is.”

    Mark Montgomery, a retired Navy rear admiral and an FDD senior fellow who advocates for a Cyber Force, argued that this year is an ideal time to create a new service.

    “Timing-wise, you need to do this in the beginning or middle of an administration, not at the end of an administration,” Montgomery said. 

    The proposed amendment would need to survive multiple Senate and House edits to make the final compromise NDAA.

    It’s not clear if the Trump administration would support the latest bipartisan push. Last year, the Pentagon rolled out CYBERCOM 2.0, a series of policy changes aimed at beefing up the recruiting, training, and missions of the existing U.S. Cyber Command.

    Katie Sutton, the assistant defense secretary for cyber policy and principal cyber advisor to Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, defended the Cyber Command reforms during a January Senate hearing, and said a renewed command and a new service could co-exist.

    “I think this is a really important debate for us all to be having about the future of the cyber warfighting domain,” Sutton told the Senate Armed Services Committee in January. “I do think one of the most common misconceptions about Cyber Command is that it is a debate between Cyber Command 2.0 and a cyber force, and they are actually separate debates that I believe both need to be had, and we need to look closely at the pros and cons of both.”

    Advocates for a separate and independent cyber-focused service branch say it aligns with the Trump administration’s calls for “offensive cyber operations against those planning to kill Americans,” the White House’s new counterterrorism strategy said. It also comes as President Donald Trump and Gen. Dan Caine, the Joint Chiefs chairman, acknowledged the growing role of cyber effects in U.S. military operations in Iran and Venezuela, Defense One and sister publication NextGov/FCW have previously reported.

    “The president says, ‘We've got to be more offensive’ but then you got to better generate forces to be offensive, and we don't generate enough forces to do both offensive cyber and defensive cyber operations,” Montgomery said. “A cyber force is clearly necessary.”

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  • Engineers from top defense contractors have spent days behind their laptops at Fort Carson, Colo., coding up ways to enable weapons, sensors, and command-and-control systems developed independently to share information.

    Dubbed Project Jailbreak, the effort is part of the Army’s first hackathon to integrate its many proprietary software programs. Some of the fixes have already been pushed to deployed troops, according to the Army’s chief technology officer.

    “A couple of the software patches have gone forward, luckily…we're still in a lull of action. There hasn't been a ton of incoming, so we haven't used them in an offensive capacity,” Alex Miller said. “Our goal is to push the rest of that forward in the next 30 days.”

    Representatives from Anduril, Boeing, General Dynamics, L3Harris, Leidos, Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, Palantir, Perennial Autonomy, and RTX are working on integrating dozens of their products, in a push to cut down on the number of screens it takes to look at the battlefield and either launch missions or respond to threats.

    “So if you've been into any joint operation center or tactical operation center, there's screens everywhere, and that is because we, over time, have tried to give as much information visually as possible,” Miller said. “What that has unintentionally done over time is forced our people to be the integration point, which is really rough if you're cold, tired, wet, and hungry. So, if you've been fighting and, you know, 20-hour days and you're getting a little bit of sleep, it just doesn't scale very well.”

    The Army is working to eliminate this issue with its next-generation command-and-control platform, which is still in testing and development. But in the meantime, it has endless existing technology that needs to be linked up now.

    To do that, service leaders invited major contractors to Fort Carson for a series of hackathon events. The first push was to integrate existing counter-unmanned and air-missile defense systems, tightening defenses against the types of weapons that have targeted U.S. troops in the Middle East during the war in Iran. 

    “At the end of 30 days, hopefully we've given them more decision space, more space to be able to decide what system, what effector, how they're going to defeat the threats that they're facing every day, based on all of the different capabilities over the years,” said Brent Ingraham, the Army’s assistant secretary for acquisitions, logistics, and technology.

    It actually wasn’t that difficult to convince defense industry giants to send engineers to the hackathon on their own dime, officials said, nor to convince them that opening up their proprietary systems to each other is a necessary step in the way the Army is doing development and acquisitions now.

    “My perception of this is there had been a first-mover problem…where none of them could take the first step without being certain the others would come,” Army Secretary Dan Driscoll said. “And so once they were certain that the United States Army, as the convener, was requiring everybody—or strongly recommending everybody—to show up, everybody came quickly, and it has unlocked massive momentum.”

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  • Cybersecurity researchers have disclosed details of a vulnerability in OpenAI ChatGPT that leverages the artificial intelligence (AI) assistant’s implicit trust in Markdown links and images to trigger prompt injections and open the door to phishing attacks. The technique has been codenamed ChatGPhish by Permiso Security. “The chatgpt.com response renderer trusts Markdown links and Markdown

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  • Adversaries have used commercially available location data to target U.S. servicemembers in war zones, a bipartisan group of lawmakers revealed Thursday. 

    In a letter to Pentagon CIO Kirsten Davies, 14 members of Congress — led by Sen. Ron Wyden, D-Ore., and Rep. Pat Harrigan, R-N.C. — warned that the department “has not taken basic steps to protect U.S. military personnel from the serious counterintelligence and force protection threat posed by the collection and sale of personal information, including cell phone location data, by data brokers.”

    Reuters first reported the news. 

    Last month, U.S. Central Command revealed to lawmakers that it “has received multiple threat reports concerning adversary exploitation of commercial location data to target or surveil U.S. personnel in theater.” The letter includes CENTCOM's answers to questions on the subject.

    This type of data can be acquired from legitimate data brokers for a nominal fee and then used to track a person's location, particularly ones who follow set routines or are based in remote areas. 

    “That foreign adversaries are still able to buy location data collected from the phones of U.S. personnel serving in military hotspots is a direct result of DOD leadership’s failure to prioritize this threat and implement common sense cyber defenses recommended by federal cybersecurity experts,” the lawmakers wrote. 

    The Pentagon has been aware for some time now of the security vulnerabilities posed by publicly available location data from smartphones or other wearable electronic devices. 

    When mobile fitness app Strava released a Global Heat Map of its users’ activities in late 2017, it inadvertently gave away the locations of some U.S. military sites in the Middle East and provided precise details on the routes personnel took when they jogged. Similar location data from running app Polar also revealed the locations of military personnel, and could be used in some cases to track them to their homes.

    DOD subsequently issued a directive in August 2018 that banned uses of apps and devices that share geolocation data “while in locations designated as operational areas.”

    In their letter, however, the lawmakers said CENTCOM shared that it “only rolled out the capability to administratively disable location sharing on smartphones” this month. The combatant command also revealed that the Pentagon has not yet taken steps to deactivate the tracking numbers on smartphones that are used by advertisers and data brokers. 

    “Both iOS and Android also include an opt-in privacy setting to disable this unique advertising ID, which the National Security Agency and the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency recommend,” the letter said. “Unfortunately, USCENTCOM confirmed that the advertising ID is still not disabled on government-issued smartphones, but stated that the Defense Information Systems Agency is currently testing a capability to do so.”

    The lawmakers urged DOD to disable the advertising ID on all agency-issued smartphones and to issue guidance requiring personnel to do the same on their personal devices brought overseas or onto military facilities. They also called for the agency to remove web browsers “designed to facilitate data collection by Google and other advertising companies” from Pentagon-issued devices.

    “Instead, DoD should pre-install on DoD devices and require the use by DoD personnel of privacy-focused web browsers that protect users with anti-tracking cyber defenses, such as ad blocking and the Global Privacy Control (GPC), which is already enforced by law in 12 states,” the letter said.

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  • An unknown threat actor has been observed using a large language model (LLM) agent to conduct post-compromise actions after obtaining initial access following the exploitation of a publicly-accessible Marimo network using a recently disclosed vulnerability. “The attacker compromised an internet-reachable Marimo notebook via CVE-2026-39987, extracted two cloud credentials from the compromised

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