• Security researchers have uncovered a critical vulnerability in SGLang, a widely used framework for running large language models, that allows threat actors to compromise inference servers. Tracked as CVE-2026-5760, this flaw enables Remote Code Execution (RCE) when a server loads a maliciously crafted GGUF model file. By simply hosting a weaponized model on platforms like […]

    The post Malicious GGUF Models Could Trigger Remote Code Execution on SGLang Servers appeared first on GBHackers Security | #1 Globally Trusted Cyber Security News Platform.

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  • The U.S. submarine that sank an Iranian warship last month was trained and dispatched on short notice, the chief of naval operations said Monday, touting the quick turn as an example of the Navy’s efforts to adapt more quickly to the changing needs of war.

    “Several weeks ago, after the initial strikes” on Iran, “the joint force needed some covert naval options—and fast, not a six-month deployment cycle and not a full strike group,” Adm. Daryl Caudle told an audience at the Navy League’s Sea-Air-Space conference outside Washington, D.C. “We took a submarine operating in the Indo-Pacific, ran it through a tailored training and certification package, sortied it west, and repositioned it in the Indian Ocean.” 

    On March 4, the attack sub Charlotte fired two torpedoes at the Iranian frigate Dena off Sri Lanka, becoming the first U.S. submarine to sink an enemy vessel with a torpedo since World War II, Pentagon officials have said

    "This was not improvisation," Caudle said Monday. "That was a glimpse of the future force…We succeeded because we adapted faster than the problem.”

    Adapting to battlefield problems will mean sending “tailored forces”—like a single retrained sub—rather than rigidly defined sets of naval assets, he said. 

    It will also mean warships that can take on new capabilities as quickly as a slingloaded shipping container can be delivered to a flight deck.

    “If it fits in a container, I want it,” Caudle said, underscoring an initiative announced last month. “Containerization allows us to decouple payloads from platforms. To rapidly reconfigure forces, to tailor capability to mission to scale effects across the entire fleet.”

    Hudson Institute analyst Bryan Clark noted that the submarine’s dash to the Indian Ocean was not the only example of the Navy’s use of tailored forces in the current conflict. 

    “For example, the Navy assembled a tailored force for the blockade of Iran and a separate tailored force for mine-clearing in the Strait of Hormuz,” Clark said.  

    But beyond that, he said, the CNO’s speech reflected an understanding of a key to modern warfare.

    "He focused on adaptability, and suggested the ability to adjust tactics, systems, and force compositions is as important as mass in determining combat success," he said. 

    Clark, whom Caudle has credited with key insights that are changing the way the Navy generates its forces, recently co-wrote a report on military adaptation. It describes how Ukraine’s maritime forces demonstrate the ability to adapt and how various organizational gaps in the U.S. military throttle it.

    Clark and the report’s co-authors argue that fostering the kind of adaptation that wins wars requires organizing for it.“The enablers of modern warfare—cloud computing, software development tooling, artificial intelligence (AI), digital manufacturing, ubiquitous sensing—are globally available. The military that first builds the infrastructure to best exploit them will have a potentially insurmountable advantage,” they write. 

    They propose that “Adaptation in Contact—the deliberate weaponization of the learning cycle—represents the next revolution in military affairs.”

    Caudle's speech suggested he sees the same problem. He said the Navy's biggest constraint is not technology, but "integration and adoption." To speed new technology to the fleet, therefore, he is pushing a framework he calls the Fleet Introduction Operating System, intended to make updates to naval systems as seamless as downloading an app. The concept is part of Caudle's Fighting Instructions, published in February, which laid out his broader strategy for how the Navy organizes, trains, equips, and fights.

    Whether the Navy can institutionalize that kind of learning speed at scale remains the open question. The Hudson report said that building "digital rails"—intelligence pipelines, simulation environments, and secure deployment channels capable of pushing validated updates to the tactical edge in hours—would require sustained institutional investment, not just a renamed initiative.

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  • The Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) has issued an urgent alert regarding a severe software supply chain compromise affecting the widely used Axios node package manager (npm). Axios is a highly popular JavaScript library that developers rely on to handle HTTP requests in both Node.js and browser environments. Because of its massive global adoption […]

    The post CISA Warns Compromised Axios npm Package Fueled Major Supply Chain Attack appeared first on GBHackers Security | #1 Globally Trusted Cyber Security News Platform.

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  • SideWinder is running an active credential‑harvesting campaign that uses a fake Chrome PDF viewer and a pixel‑perfect Zimbra clone on Cloudflare Workers to steal government webmail credentials from South Asian targets, including the Bangladesh Navy and Pakistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The campaign came to light after a Cloudflare Workers URL was spotted harvesting credentials […]

    The post SideWinder Spoofs Chrome PDF Viewer, Zimbra to Steal Government Webmail Logins appeared first on GBHackers Security | #1 Globally Trusted Cyber Security News Platform.

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  • The popular AI application builder, Lovable, is currently facing a massive data breach due to an unpatched API vulnerability. Security researchers have revealed that a critical flaw exposes sensitive project data, source code, and user credentials for any project created on the platform before November 2025. According to a detailed public disclosure by security researcher […]

    The post Lovable AI App Builder Hit by Reported API Flaw Exposing Thousands of Projects appeared first on GBHackers Security | #1 Globally Trusted Cyber Security News Platform.

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  • The Air Force’s A-10 Thunderbolt IIs have escaped retirement, again.

    Air Force Secretary Troy Meink announced in an X post Monday that the Warthogs will keep flying through 2030 to “preserve combat power until the Defense Industrial Base ramps up combat aircraft production.” The announcement comes as the Pentagon continues to use A-10s for rescue and close air support missions in the ongoing Iran war.

    The service plans to extend three squadrons of A-10s. An active-duty squadron from Moody Air Force Base in Georgia and a reserve unit at Whiteman Air Force Base in Missouri will be kept operational until 2030, a service spokesperson confirmed to Defense One. Another squadron at Moody will also be extended until 2029. 

    The aircraft, which was heavily used during the Global War on Terror, has been slated for retirement multiple times since 1984, but continued to be extended instead. In the most recent National Defense Authorization Act, Congress pushed back the aircraft’s looming divestment and said the service can’t “decrease the total aircraft inventory of A-10 aircraft below 103 aircraft” until the end of this fiscal year. It also required Meink to brief lawmakers on the service’s plans for the fleet.

    An Air Force spokesperson confirmed to Defense One last month that the service did not plan to divest all of its A-10s by the end of 2026, and that Meink had submitted the required briefing ahead of the March deadline as mandated by the NDAA. 

    The move to extend the service life of the A-10 again did not surprise Dan Grazier, a Stimson Center senior fellow and the director of the nonprofit's national-security reform program. 

    Grazier said he learned from internal Defense Department discussions earlier this month that the White House pushed the Pentagon and Air Force to retain the aircraft.

    The White House, Pentagon, and Air Force declined to comment on the decision-making process. But Meink did praise Trump in his announcement online.

    “Thank you to POTUS for your unwavering support of our warfighters and quick, decisive leadership as we equip our force,” Meink said on X. Later that day, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said “long live the Warthog” in a social media post.

    Grazier said the aircraft’s use in the herculean effort to rescue a downed F-15 airman earlier this month likely played a role in the White House’s push. The A-10 plays a crucial close air support role in a “sandy package,” the formation of aircraft used in high-threat rescue missions. 

    “I can only assume that somebody briefed them up about how central the A-10 was to those rescue operations, because there is no other platform that can do the complete sandy package,” Grazier said. 

    Given its heavy use, Grazier said the Air Force should start looking at what platform will take on that crucial mission after 2030.

    “It’s great to see the fleet being extended out until 2030 now, but the next challenge is the Air Force has to get its act together to work on a replacement program for the A-10.”

    Past pushes to retire the A-10 were focused on a pivot away from close air support missions in the Middle East to a competition with China and Russia. In addition to the search and rescue missions, the Warthog has also been strafing boats in the Strait of Hormuz. 

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  • Ukraine’s success in decimating Russia’s Black Sea Fleet without having a Navy of its own is “case alpha” in finding new ways to employ robots across land, sea, and air, Rear Adm. Doug Sasse said Monday. But the U.S. Navy can’t just copy Ukraine’s homework and apply it to the vast, well-observed Pacific, or even the Red Sea, where it’s now tasked with enforcing a naval blockade and “getting a lot of unmanned stuff thrown at us,” the head of the Navy’s assessment said.

    The Navy last week took possession of its first unmanned “Sea Hawk” large robot ship. It will deploy as part of the Theodore Roosevelt strike group in the Pacific later this year, he said. 

    Capt. Garrett Miller, commodore of Surface Navy Development Group One, said the Sea Hawk will be joined by "thousands" of small unmanned ships and “any number” of aerial drones by 2030 in the Pacific alone. Sasse and Miller made their remarks at the Navy League’s Sea-Air-Space conference.

    Ukraine was able to sink much of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet in 2024 with just a fraction of that many sea drones. That model “shows great promise [for unmanned ships] in a very constrained sea, where you can get right up to the edge of the land-sea interface and hide things in [dense forest,] get it in the water really quickly, and it doesn't have to run an incredible distance,” Sasse said. But “when you look at what's going on in the Pacific, there are no trees to hide behind as you're coming across … You're sitting on the surface of the ocean, maybe under observation entirely,” while crossing, he said.

    Operation Epic Fury in the Red Sea has also highlighted the importance of human naval crews, even as Iran’s relentless attacks with one-way Shahed attack drones illustrate—similar to Ukraine’s experience—how cheap drones can eat away at a larger military’s advantage.

    The U.S. Navy would like to keep its advantage, so its focus right now is integrating more robots into a larger manned fleet, Sasse said. That provides a different set of challenges. 

    “Once you start saying, ‘All right, it's gotta travel with a fleet. And it's gotta keep up with a carrier strike group [which can travel at speeds above 35 miles per hour across vast distances.] It's got to have range. It’s got to have 30 days endurance… And it's gotta be cheap. All those things are violently opposed. Suddenly that [unmanned surface vehicle] that’s traveling as part of a strike group starts to look like a frigate or a [guided missile destroyer],” Sasse said.

    The United States has deployed its own sea drones to the CENTCOM area to support current operations, said Rear Adm. Derek Trinque, director of the Navy’s surface warfare division. But those were for “expanding the battle space awareness and ensuring that our forces are more effective as a broader team,” he said—not for attack.

    The U.S. doesn’t have a shortage of weapons to sink ships. But the mission of enforcing a naval blockade after lambasting Iran for trying to do the same means the United States can’t use attack robots in the same way as its adversary.

    “Just look at the examples from this past weekend, where USS Spruance interdicted a blockade runner,” Trinque said. “You need manned platforms for that.”

    That means that even as the Navy adds thousands of robot ships, the “command and control will remain as it is,” Trinque said. “There will still be commanders and commanding officers who have the accountability for the proper utilization of all of our systems, including unmanned … I expect that we will see some centralization of the warfighting development for unmanned systems. And so where we have aviation and surface [warfare tactics instructors] right now, we might have robotic and autonomous systems [instructors] in the future.”

    Still, the rise of robot weapons is already influencing ship design and informing new concepts. The Navy will deploy a wide variety of air, sea, and undersea drones aboard already existing frigates and destroyers—within specific containers that work with the ships’ existing frames. But as new unmanned ships like the medium unmanned surface vessel, or MUSV, come online, the look of the Navy will change more rapidly, even as the human-decision making remains central to command and control.

    “We built 30 years of growth in the Arleigh Burke class [of guided-missile] destroyers because we had to,” Trinque said. “And we're going to build 30 to 40 years of growth into the battleship. And we are going to build growth into the frigate. But for MUSVs, we don't have to do that because we can get more advanced MUSVs as they become available.”

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  • Vercel confirms a breach linked to Context.ai as a hacker lists alleged data for $2M. ShinyHunters denies involvement and flags imposters.

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  • One of the biggest geopolitical consequences of the recent U.S.-Israeli airstrikes on Iran is the closure of the Strait of Hormuz. Though the exact status of the waterway remains unclear at the time of writing, the daily flow of oil and gas through it has been severely reduced. Even though the United States imports relatively little energy from the Persian Gulf, it is not insulated from global price shocks that follow any disruption in transit—as many Americans are feeling at the pump right now.

    It is clear that President Trump did not anticipate Iran’s willingness to close the strait. His subsequent effort to pressure European allies into deploying a maritime force to the region appeared rushed and uncoordinated. With no prior consultation or planning, and with many European navies tied up in existing commitments or maintenance cycles, expecting an immediate deployment of high-value assets to one of the world’s most dangerous waterways was unrealistic.

    Still, Trump is right about one thing: it is in everyone’s interest for shipping to move freely through the Strait of Hormuz. European frustration over how the United States entered into conflict with Iran does not change the strategic reality that this maritime chokepoint must remain open for the global economy to function. With a ceasefire in place, and with progress being made at the diplomatic level on fully reopening the waterway, there is now an opportunity to organize a coalition to ensure that Iran can never close the strait again. 

    First, the United States must lead diplomatically. Rebuilding trust with European allies will be essential through early consultation, shared planning, and giving partners a stake in the mission. This is also how to repair broader transatlantic relations and reestablish confidence in U.S. leadership. It also means shelving any notion of acquiring Greenland. While someone in Washington may not see how the issue connects to Gulf security, Europeans do. The consequences of Washington’s rhetoric have made it harder to build public support for deployments.

    Second, any new effort should operate within existing frameworks. For more than two decades, the United States has led multinational Combined Maritime Forces based in Bahrain, including individual Combined Task Forces focused on maritime security in the Gulf and the Horn of Africa, among other places. These structures are well established and familiar to participating navies—both from the Gulf states and Asian partners. Leveraging them would allow for a faster and more coherent response.

    Third, there needs to be a focus on the “three U’s”: the United States, the United Kingdom, and Ukraine. Any credible maritime operation in the Strait of Hormuz will depend on this core group. The United Kingdom brings deep experience in the Gulf and highly specialized mine countermeasure capabilities essential for clearing the strait.

    Ukraine, meanwhile, brings recent, hard-earned experience. Its operations in the Black Sea have made it one of the most practiced actors in mine countermeasures in the world. Ukraine has also pioneered the use of unmanned systems in naval warfare. Kyiv has also shown the political will to contribute any operation in the Strait of Hormuz. Of note, Ukraine currently has two British-built Sandown-class minehunters, with trained crews based in the United Kingdom (where they remain, as they cannot enter to the Black Sea), which could be deployed with U.S. and British support.

    Finally, broader coalition contributions will require creative thinking. The Baltic states—Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia—possess advanced mine countermeasure capabilities and have consistently supported U.S.-led operations. Even countries without naval platforms could contribute by deploying explosive ordnance disposal specialists aboard allied vessels, allowing them to play a direct role in mine clearance.

    NATO itself maintains a standing maritime mine countermeasure group that could be considered. While the Gulf lies outside NATO’s traditional area, such a mission could be structured through frameworks like the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative, which is the alliance’s main platform for cooperating with Gulf states.

    With political will, flexibility, and clear American leadership, a coalition can be assembled to reopen and secure the Strait of Hormuz. The current ceasefire provides a narrow but critical window. Given the stakes for global energy markets and international trade, there is no better time to act.

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  • A critical security vulnerability has been disclosed in SGLang that, if successfully exploited, could result in remote code execution on susceptible systems. The vulnerability, tracked as CVE-2026-5760, carries a CVSS score of 9.8 out of 10.0. It has been described as a case of command injection leading to the execution of arbitrary code. SGLang is a high-performance, open-source serving

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