• OpenAI rotates macOS certificates after downloading a compromised Axios version, urging users to update apps before revoked certificates are blocked in May 2026.

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  • The Army—the last of the U.S. services to introduce a tiltrotor aircraft—is gathering lessons and working through challenges as it prepares to send the first Bell MV-75s to units for testing and feedback later this year. 

    It’s a different kind of effort than bringing a new helicopter or tank online, because the Army is making the move 30 years after the Marine Corps began testing the V-22 Osprey, 20 years after Air Force special operations started training on its version, and 10 years after the Navy selected it to take over the carrier on-board delivery mission.

    Part of that delay has been the Army’s insistence on developing its own platform, an ongoing effort since Bell-Textron unveiled its V-280 offering for the Army’s Future Vertical Lift Program at the AUSA annual meeting in 2013. In January, then-Army Chief of Staff Gen. Randy George announced that the aircraft, now called MV-75, would head to units this year for evaluation. 

    With the MV-75, the Army is hoping to take the best of the Osprey—a much faster aircraft than the UH-60 Black Hawk, with a longer range and the ability to carry a lot more soldiers—and leave behind the Osprey’s safety concerns. A total of 65 military personnel and civilians have died in V-22s since 1991, when the fourth prototype crashed. Twenty of the deaths occurred in four crashes in 2022 and 2023. 

    “I can't comment on the readiness or reliability of the Marine Corps, Navy and Air Force’s programs, and I won't,” Mike Obadal, the Army undersecretary, told reporters March 24 at the AUSA Global Force Symposium. 

    Still, Obadal added, the Osprey’s reputation may be overwrought, even if it has made so many headlines over the course of its operation. 

    “I do know they've flown about 900,000 hours, and in the Marine Corps, I think their accident rate is probably less than their large helicopters,” he said.

    And it is: less than half of the CH-53 King Stallion’s rate of class-A mishaps—incidents that cause a death or total loss of the aircraft—as of 2024. Whether that’s good news for the Osprey or just extremely bad news for the CH-53 is a matter of perspective.

    “So I think we have to be very careful about making sweeping statements about tiltrotor technology—and especially when you look at what Bell-Textron and the Army are doing, because it is the most advanced manufacturing and digital backbone that exists,” Obadal said.

    For its part, the Army is hoping to eliminate one recurring problem—engine fires—by building its airframe with fixed engines, rather than ones that tilt with the rotors like the Osprey. 

    “Now that may seem like a minor difference, but when it comes to maintenance, reliability, cost, impact from vibration or utilization, we found that fixed engine is likely to result in less maintenance requirements, less complexity,” Col. Tyler Partridge, who commands the 101st Combat Aviation Brigade at Fort Campbelly, Ky., told Defense One. 

    Patridge’s brigade is leading the Army’s tiltrotor integration as a Transformation-in-Contact unit. His soldiers got to see what an air assault from a tiltrotor looks like earlier this year during their annual Operation Lethal Eagle exercise. 

    A career CH-47 Chinook pilot, with experience in both conventional units and special operations, Partridge said his first impression is that the tiltrotor’s speed is impressive, but that comes with its own considerations.

    “I think that's probably the biggest sales pitch—the Army has been looking at this, how do we go farther faster? Really, that's the challenge, or the question of the day that we've been trying to solve,” he said. “So from my perspective, looking at the tiltrotor platforms, integrating them into the plan, it's always been the challenge.”

    ‘A smoother process’

    The MV-75 outperforms a UH-60 in several ways: it flies about twice as fast, reaching 300 mph; its thousand-mile range is longer than the Black Hawk’s 600; and it can carry about 24 kitted-out troops, twice as many as the helicopter.

    But an air assault mission isn’t just moving troops, so integrating a tiltrotor involves some timing issues. The CH-47 Chinooks carrying heavy equipment and the AH-64 Apache providing security are not as fast as a tiltrotor, so they have to take off on a different schedule than they would traditionally. 

    “How do we integrate them and utilize them across all the warfighting functions smoothly is probably the biggest challenge. And the speed is a challenge there, specifically sequence and timing,” Partridge said. “What time do they take off? They may take off after helicopters that are landing after they are, in the air-assault plan.”

    Last year, 101st CAB used tabletop exercises to model how they would integrate a tiltrotor into an operation.

    “To kind of compare icons moving over a map at different speeds, and kind of thinking through how that changes the speed of decision-making, or perhaps the complexity of planning or logistical resupply,” Partridge said. 

    During Lethal Eagle, they got to test those AI models in the real world, including the ways their equipment and battle rhythm will need to change. 

    “A forward area refueling point seems simple enough, but when it comes to ensuring we have the right nozzles, the right fuel pressures, the flow rate—all those things matter when it comes to synchronizing and integrating an air assault mission with as many platforms as we normally have, especially at the scale and speed that this division wants to operate at,” Partridge said. 

    The soldiers also have to get used to the sound and the intensity of the rotor, which is much different than a helicopter.

    “I would say, as you compare a tiltrotor versus a fixed rotor on a Black Hawk, it's smaller. And so definitely sounds different and it’s a little more intense if you're directly underneath the tiltrotor portion,” Partridge said.

    Just learning where to stand and what sounds normal when working with a tiltrotor is part of the familiarization process, he said.

    As a TiC unit, the 10st Airborne’s feedback will go into initial design of the MV-75, and that relationship will continue as the first prototypes are fielded and then updated. 

    “And I think that the seeking experience from the fixed-wing and the rotary-wing side of the house is probably the exactly the right thing to do here, particularly with the platform that is so dynamic,” Partridge said. “I think there's the focus on more maneuverability in the helicopter mode that the Army has specified for the MV-75. I do believe that those requirements will be met by industry partners.” 

    Army leaders have also been convening with Marine Corps counterparts to get their lessons learned and best practices, he said.

    “I know that we've got some of our maintainers integrated with the Marine Corps on the academic side of the house, with regards to their maintenance programs, so that we can learn the differences between tiltrotor maintenance and rotary-wing maintenance,” he said.

    At the same time, the aviation Captain’s Career Course has added MV-75 instruction, Gen. David Hodne, then the head of Transformation and Training Command, told reporters in March. There’s also a training simulator at Fort Rucker, Ala., where the Army aviation schools are housed, to give prospective MV-75 pilots an idea of what it’s like. 

    Said Partridge, “And so I do anticipate that these efforts will ensure that it's a smoother process, you know, than perhaps other platforms have experienced in the past.”

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  • COLORADO SPRINGS, Colo.—A $1 trillion baseline defense budget is the standard for future funding, but additional multi-billion spending measures to cushion 2027’s request are less certain, the chairman of the House Armed Services Committee chairman said Sunday.

    The $1.5 trillion defense budget request unveiled this month would mark the highest level of military funding in a single year since World War II, if passed. That figure includes $350 billion in reconciliation funding and $1.15 trillion from the annual discretionary defense bill. And the trillion-dollar baseline figure is here to stay, Rep. Mike Rogers, R-Ala., said Sunday evening during a roundtable at the Space Symposium Conference here. 

    “We don’t cut the baseline budget in defense,” Rogers said, briefly noting a few past exceptions. “This is going to be the new normal.”

    Last year’s defense budget relied heavily on reconciliation, a budgetary process in which a simple majority can quickly pass mandatory spending legislation. The proposed 2027 budget’s reconciliation funding would include some of the administration’s top space-related priorities, including an additional $17 billion for the Golden Dome missile defense project and $12 billion for the Space Force which, if passed, would bring the service’s budget to $71 billion, the largest boost in its history.

    The administration is also reportedly seeking anywhere from $98 billion to more than $200 billion in supplemental funding for the ongoing war in Iran. Rogers sounded less certain about whether those measures would be included in the 2027 budget. 

    “We're going to try to do a reconciliation bill, there might be a supplemental, which would get us to the $1.5 [trillion] the president talked about,” he said. “But, even if you don't do those, that $1.15 trillion would be the new baseline.”

    The White House has estimated that baseline defense spending will increase from $1.15 trillion to $1.36 trillion through 2036, with no projected reconciliation funding past fiscal year 2027, according to budget documents released earlier this month.

    The Trump administration has argued defense-related reconciliation measures are necessary for “decoupling funding for Republican priorities from Democrat waste,” a White House budget fact sheet said. 

    Seamus Daniels, a Center for Strategic and International Studies fellow, wrote in an analysis on Friday that last year’s reconciliation led to Republican infighting and disagreements before it was passed. Reconciliation would most likely face similar arguments, he added.

    “Such a partisan political approach to pursuing budgetary priorities presents significant challenges to actually securing the requested $1.5 trillion in resources for defense from Congress,” Daniels wrote. “Republicans would likely face similar dynamics and obstacles this year with only a slim majority in the House of Representatives.”

    Sen. Jerry Moran, R-Kan., told Defense One on the sidelines of Space Symposium that no reconciliation bill exists yet. As the chairman of the Senate Appropriation's Commerce, Justice, and Science subcommittee, Moran said he prefers to see crucial spending, including reconciliation, to go through a standard appropriations process to get top priorities funded.

    “That debate has not occurred. I mean, we don't have a reconciliation bill that is close to being put together,” Moran said. “I think it's better to bring us together and get this accomplished in a normal process. and bring the entire Congress into the process. I think it's better to bring us together and get this accomplished in a normal process and bring the entire Congress into the process.”

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  • Banks and financial institutions in Latin American countries like Brazil and Mexico have continued to be the target of a malware family called JanelaRAT. A modified version of BX RAT, JanelaRAT is known to steal financial and cryptocurrency data associated with specific financial entities, as well as track mouse inputs, log keystrokes, take screenshots, and collect system metadata. “One of the

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  • “Never interrupt your enemy when he is making a mistake”—Napoleon Bonaparte’s maxim—may well have been in the minds of policymakers in Moscow and Beijing these past weeks, as the U.S. war in Iran dragged on. And now that a 14-day ceasefire between Tehran and Washington is in effect, with both sides claiming “victory,” Russian and Chinese leaders still have an opportunity to profit from what many see as America’s latest folly in the Middle East. 

    Throughout the weeks-long conflict, China and Russia struck a delicate balance. Both declined to give Iran – seen to a varying degree as an ally of both nations – their full-throated support or sink any real costs into the conflict.

    Instead, they opted for limited assistance in the form of small-scale intelligenceand diplomatic support

    As a scholar of international security and great power politics, I believe that is for good reason. Beijing and Moscow were fully aware that Iran could not “win” against the combined military might of the United States and Israel. Rather, Iran just needed to survive to serve the interests of Washington’s main geopolitical rivals.

    Below are four ways in which the U.S. war in Iran has damaged Washington’s position in the great power rivalries of the 21st century.

    1. Losing the influence war in the Middle East

    As I explore in my book “Defending Frenemies,” the U.S. has long struggled to balance competing objectives in the Middle East. During the Cold War, this meant limiting the Soviet Union’s influence in the region, while contending with the development of nuclear weapons by two troublesome allies, Israel and Pakistan.

    By the 2020s, the priorities in Washington were aimed at restricting the influence of the U.S.’s great power rivals– China and to a lesser degree Russia – in the Middle East.

    Yet under Presidents Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin, China and Russia have sought to increase their footprint in the region through a variety of formal alliances and informal measures. 

    For Russia, this took the form of aligning with Iran, while also partnering with Tehran to prop up the now-ousted regime of President Bashar Assad during the Syrian civil war. Meanwhile, China increased its diplomatic profile in the Middle East, notably by acting as a mediator as Saudi Arabia and Iran restored diplomatic ties in 2023.

    The irony of the latest Iran war is that it follows a period in which circumstances were unfavorable to Russian and Chinese aims of increasing their influence in the Middle East. 

    The fall of Assad in December 2024 deprived Russia of its one reliable ally in the region. And Trump’s May 2025 tour of the Gulf states, in which he secured major technology and economic deals with Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar and Bahrain, was aimed at countering China’s growing economic and diplomatic influence in those countries.

    With Washington perceived as an increasingly unreliable protector, the Gulf states may seek greater security and economic cooperation elsewhere.

    2. Taking US eyes off other strategic goals

    In expanding military, diplomatic and economic ties in the Middle East, Russia and China over the past two decades were exploiting a desire by Washington to move its assets and attention away from the region following two costly wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.

    Trump’s decision to wage war against Iran directly contradicts the national security strategy his administration released in November 2025. According to the strategy, the administration would prioritize the Western Hemisphere and the Indo-Pacific, while the Middle East’s importance “will recede.” 

    In co-launching a war in Tehran with Israel, without any prior consultation with Washington’s other allies, Trump has shown a complete disregard for their strategic and economic concerns. NATO, already riven by Trump’s repeated threats to the alliance and designs on Greenland, has now shown further signs of internal divisions. 

    That offers benefits for China and Russia, which have long sought to capitalize on cracks between America and its allies. 

    The irony, again, is that the war in Iran came as Trump’s vision of the U.S. as the hegemonic power in the Western Hemisphere was making advances. International law and legitimacy concerns aside, Washington had ousted a thorn in its side with Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela and replaced him with a more compliant leader.

    3. Disproportionate economic fallout

    Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz, where some 20% of the world’s oil passes, was as predictable as it was destructive for U.S. interests.

    But for Russia, this meant higher oil prices that boosted its war economy. It also led to the temporary but ongoing easing of U.S. sanctions, which has provided Moscow an indispensable lifeline after years of economic pressure over the war in Ukraine.

    While a prolonged closure and extensive damage to oil and natural gas infrastructure in Iran and the Gulf states no doubt hurts China’s energy security and economy, these were risks Xi appears willing to accept, at least for a time.

    And by building up a domestic oil reserve and diversifying energy sources to include solar, electric batteries and coal, China is far better positioned to weather a prolonged global energy crisis than the U.S. Indeed, Beijing has made strides in recent year to encourage domestic consumption as a source of economic growth, rather than be so reliant on global trade. That may have given China some protection during the global economic shock caused by the Iran war, as well as push the economy further down its own track.

    The more the U.S. loses control over events in the strait, the more it loses influence in the region – especially as Iran appears to be placing restrictions on ships from unfriendly nations.

    4. Loss of global leadership

    Trump’s willingness, to abandon talks to go to war, and the contradictory rhetoric he has employed throughout the Iran conflict, has weakened the perception of the U.S. as an honest broker. 

    That provides a massive soft-power boost for Beijing. It was China that pressed Iran to accept the 14-day ceasefire proposal brokered by Pakistan. Indeed, China has slowly chipped away at America’s longtime status as global mediator of first resort. 

    Beijing has successfully mediated in the past between Iran and Saudi Arabia, and it attempted to do the same with Russia and Ukraine and Israel and the Palestinians.

    In general, the Iran war adds weight to Beijing’s worldview that the U.S.-led liberal international order is over. Even if China benefited at some level from the war continuing, its decision to help broker the ceasefire shows that China is increasingly taking on the mantle of global leadership that the U.S. used to own.

    And for Russia, the Iran war and the rupture between Trump and America’s NATO allies over their lack of support for it, shift world attention and U.S. involvement from the war in Ukraine.

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  • BITTER APT spreads ProSpy and ToSpy via Signal, Google, and Zoom lures, targeting journalists through LinkedIn and iMessage spearphishing.

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  • The U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), in partnership with the Indonesian National Police, has dismantled the infrastructure associated with a global phishing operation that leveraged an off-the-shelf toolkit called W3LL to steal thousands of victims’ account credentials and attempt more than $20 million in fraud. In tandem, authorities detained the alleged developer, who has&

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  • Hackers are abusing GitHub and Jira’s built‑in notification systems to send phishing emails that appear completely legitimate. Because these emails are sent from the platforms’ own mail servers, they pass standard checks like SPF, DKIM, and DMARC, making them very hard for traditional email gateways to block. The messages are routed via the official mail […]

    The post GitHub and Jira Alerts Hijacked for Trusted-SaaS Phishing appeared first on GBHackers Security | #1 Globally Trusted Cyber Security News Platform.

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  • Monday is back, and the weekend’s backlog of chaos is officially hitting the fan. We are tracking a critical zero-day that has been quietly living in your PDFs for months, plus some aggressive state-sponsored meddling in infrastructure that is finally coming to light. It is one of those mornings where the gap between a quiet shift and a full-blown incident response is basically

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  • OpenSSF warns hackers impersonate Linux Foundation leaders on Slack, tricking developers into installing malware that can compromise entire systems.

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