• A malicious Visual Studio Code extension posing as an AI coding assistant has been caught secretly installing a fully functional remote access tool (RAT) on developer machines. The extension looks convincing at first glance: polished branding, a professional icon, and integration with several AI providers including OpenAI, Anthropic, Google, Ollama, Groq, Mistral, and OpenRouter. In […]

    The post Weaponized VS Code Extension “ClawdBot Agent” Spreads ScreenConnect RAT appeared first on GBHackers Security | #1 Globally Trusted Cyber Security News Platform.

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  • France’s government has made a decisive move to eliminate foreign videoconferencing platforms from its operations, rejecting Zoom and Microsoft Teams in favor of a domestically controlled alternative. On January 26, 2026, France announced the nationwide rollout of “Visio,” a sovereign videoconferencing solution developed by the Interministerial Directorate for Digital Affairs (DINUM), with full deployment across […]

    The post Zoom and Microsoft Teams Lose French Government Trust After Security Review appeared first on GBHackers Security | #1 Globally Trusted Cyber Security News Platform.

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  • In the evolving landscape of cyber threats, attackers increasingly leverage Python to develop sophisticated Remote Access Trojans (RATs) that evade traditional security controls. Python’s widespread adoption and cross-platform compatibility make it an attractive development platform for threat actors seeking to maximize their reach. Unlike compiled binaries, Python-based malware compiled into ELF and PE formats poses […]

    The post Python-Based PyRAT Emerges as Cross-Platform Threat With Advanced Remote Access Capabilities appeared first on GBHackers Security | #1 Globally Trusted Cyber Security News Platform.

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  • Google on Wednesday announced that it worked together with other partners to disrupt IPIDEA, which it described as one of the largest residential proxy networks in the world. To that end, the company said it took legal action to take down dozens of domains used to control devices and proxy traffic through them. As of writing, IPIDEA’s website (“www.ipidea.io”) is no longer accessible. It

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  • Matanbuchus is a malicious C++-based downloader that has been sold as Malware-as-a-Service (MaaS) since 2020. Initially known as a simple loader for second-stage payloads, it has steadily evolved into a flexible backdoor platform that is increasingly tied to ransomware operations. In July 2025, researchers observed Matanbuchus version 3.0 in the wild, featuring redesigned components, stronger […]

    The post Matanbuchus Malware Evolves to Bypass AV Defenses by Swapping Core Components appeared first on GBHackers Security | #1 Globally Trusted Cyber Security News Platform.

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  • A new “non-kinetic effects cell” has helped push cyber operations to the forefront of specialized U.S. military missions such as the capture of Venezuela's leader in the capital of Caracas, a top official told lawmakers Wednesday.

    The cell is “designed to integrate, coordinate and synchronize all of our non-kinetics into the planning, and then, of course, the execution of any operation globally,” Joint Staff Deputy Director for Global Operations Brig. Gen. R. Ryan Messer told the Senate Armed Services Committee’s cybersecurity panel.

    Non-kinetic effects are military actions—think cyber operations, electronic warfare and influence campaigns—that influence or disrupt an adversary’s systems without using physical force or causing direct destruction. The operation that apprehended Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro included cyber effects that targeted radar, internet, and the city’s power grid, causing a temporary blackout. 

    U.S. spy agencies stood up crisis action teams that provided intelligence to Special Operations Command and Southern Command throughout the operation, a U.S. official with knowledge of the matter has told Nextgov/FCW. The NSA oversaw geolocation support to gather intelligence that aided the operation and monitored other signals that help operators determine if a foreign adversary orders troop movements or seeks to activate radar, the official said.

    The cell is just part of the effort to better integrate cyber and other non-kinetic tools into U.S. military operations. 

    “The reality is that we’ve now pulled cyber operators to the forefront,” Messer said.

    Other leaders talked about “Cyber Command 2.0,” a two-month-old effort to increase the hiring and improve the retention of skilled military cyber specialists.

    A scaled-back version of a broader restructuring effort initially planned for the 15-year-old command, the approach focuses on better recruiting and managing cyber personnel across the armed forces, improving access to specialized training through partnerships with industry and universities, and speeding up the development of new cyber tools and techniques.

    “Our intent as part of CyberCom 2.0 is, if you’re a young person — a hacker — and you want to come serve your country, when you show up at your recruiting station, we want you to be administered a cyber aptitude test,” said Lt. Gen. William Hartman, acting director of Cyber Command and the NSA. “If you score well on that test, we would like you to be offered a contract to become a cyber operator” and enter a pipeline to join CyberCom.

    “I would tell you not just Absolute Resolve, but Midnight Hammer and a number of other operations, we've really graduated to the point where we're treating a cyber capability just like we would a kinetic capability,” Hartman added, referring respectively to the Venezuela operation and a U.S. bombing run last year that targeted key nuclear sites in Iran. 

    Katie Sutton, the Pentagon’s cyber policy chief, highlighted the CyberCom 2.0-backed Cyber Innovation Warfare Center, which is meant to quickly design and deploy various cyber tools, including new software and tactics used to disrupt adversary networks and defend U.S. military systems. The private sector would play a major role in this.

    “It’s not just about acquiring a tool or a technology, there’s a lot of non-material aspects that will need to be successful,” Sutton said. “It’ll be our tie to industry. It ties our operational force directly to industry to allow this to happen at the speed at which we’re seeing the capabilities come out.”

    The 2.0 model, initially endorsed during the Biden administration, then accelerated under Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, albeit with various rewrites and examinations penned over the last year. Many of the initiatives in the 2.0 framework are expected to be fully integrated later this decade or in the early 2030s.

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  • A deal to increase production of the Air Force’s B-21 bomber could be reached by March, Northrop Grumman’s CEO said. But a looming government shutdown could hinder talks, as one did last fall.

    Kathy Warden said no agreement has been reached about the $4.5 billion in reconciliation funding approved last year to speed up next-generation bomber production, but that she was optimistic for a deal in the next few months. As of last year, the company has taken a roughly $2 billion hit trying to accelerate the program and cover material costs.

    “We continue to work closely with the Air Force on plans to increase the production rate of the program. Our priority is to establish a mutually beneficial agreement that accelerates the delivery of this game-changing capability to our nation,” Warden said during the company’s fourth-quarter earnings call on Tuesday. “Funding for this acceleration has been approved as part of the reconciliation bill, and I am optimistic that we will come to an agreement with the Air Force this quarter.”

    It’s unclear whether those talks would be stalled by the partial government shutdown that would begin on Saturday if the Senate fails to reach agreement on funding for several federal agencies, including the Defense Department.

    In October, Warden acknowledged that the then-ongoing government shutdown had “held up” discussions on an increased production agreement with the Air Force. 

    A Northrop Grumman spokesperson did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the potential effects this time around. 

    Douglas Royce, a senior analyst with Forecast International, a sister brand of Defense One, said he didn’t see the looming shutdown as a major factor for Northrop Grumman in accelerating production.

    “There's always uncertainty around shutdowns, and theoretically the non-essential workers at DOD involved in any discussions on accelerations will stop talking until it's over,” Royce said. “If it's a short shutdown, no impact. And even if there were no shutdown, it's not a given that the two sides come to an agreement.”

    Warden said during the call that an agreement for increased production would help the company’s bottom line, but also require more investment in facilities.

    “So, as we sit here today, we are still working through the finer points of that deal and its financial implications for the company,” Warden said. “We do expect to invest $2 billion to $3 billion over a multi-year period.”

    The Air Force has planned to buy 100 B-21 bombers, but some officials have made the case for nearly 150 aircraft. Warden said Northrop was awarded the low-rate initial production contract for Lot Three and the advanced procurement funding for Lot Five late last year. 

    An Air Force spokesperson confirmed to Defense One the service received milestone decision authority approval for those awards and executed them in December. 

    Warden also said the company is investing in work on future defense programs, such as components for the sprawling Golden Dome missile defense system, its Project Talon drone wingman, and the Navy’s next-generation fighter jet. 

    “We want to be in a position to have cash on hand to invest more in supporting those because, again, they're well aligned with the administration's priorities in homeland defense, crewed

    fighters and uncrewed vehicles to name just a few,” she said.

    But Warden added that it’s unclear when contracts will be awarded for those programs.

    “As we sit here in January, we have not yet seen those opportunities progress toward contract, and we believe that will happen over the next 24 months,” Warden said. “The timing of that is what is much more difficult to predict as we sit here.”

    Last week, congressional appropriators allocated nearly $900 million for development of the Navy’s next-generation fighter, dubbed F/A-XX, bucking the Pentagon’s plans to underfund the effort and focus on the Air Force’s F-47 instead. The annual defense appropriations bill, which includes the aircraft development funding, is one of the budgets being held up in the Senate.

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  • Cybersecurity researchers have flagged a new malicious Microsoft Visual Studio Code (VS Code) extension for Moltbot (formerly Clawdbot) on the official Extension Marketplace that claims to be a free artificial intelligence (AI) coding assistant, but stealthily drops a malicious payload on compromised hosts. The extension, named “ClawdBot Agent – AI Coding Assistant” (“clawdbot.clawdbot-agent”)

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  • President Donald Trump was dead wrong to say our foreign allies “stayed a little back, a little off the front lines” in Afghanistan.

    In 2014, I was an infantry platoon leader with the 101st Airborne Division, deployed to Kandahar, the hometown of the Taliban. Every Tuesday night, I would make a secure phone call to my Australian counterpart to coordinate security for Wednesday’s joint mission at the governor’s compound. The plan was almost always the same: my platoon would handle the outer cordon security to the south and west; the Australian one would handle the north and east. We would conduct a bomb sweep before the meeting, while we relied on the Aussies to secure the entrance and screen incoming traffic. The Australian lieutenant and I would confirm “guest lists,” share any new threat tips, and make plans to cover each other if vehicles or key weapons went down.

    Everywhere we went in the Taliban heartland was the “front lines.” Outside the wire, car bombs, snipers, and roadside bombs meant perennial danger, while rockets and insider threats kept even our bases vulnerable. I worked most closely with the Australians; we repeated our routine every Wednesday for the governor’s meeting with provincial and coalition leaders, and every other Saturday for the Kandahar security shura. But the Aussies were hardly our only partners on the base, which was abuzz with allies committed to our mission in Afghanistan.

    So I was appalled to see the president’s comments last week. He might actually think that our allies weren’t on the front lines—he was shooting scenes for his reality-TV show while thousands of service members from dozens of countries were serving in Afghanistan—but that does not make it true.

    Perhaps Trump should be forgiven, considering he has never seen anything remotely resembling a front line, having received multiple draft deferments from his generation’s war in Vietnam. As commander-in-chief, he presided over four years of war in Afghanistan, but only visited once: for Thanksgiving in 2019, when he spent three hours ensconced in a secured base. Three months later, he signed a peace treaty with our enemy, the Taliban, agreeing to withdraw U.S. forces.

    In last week’s interview, Trump presented a false version of history, saying, “We’ve never needed them. We have never really asked anything of them.” On the contrary, our allies fought alongside us in Afghanistan precisely because we asked them to. After we were attacked on 9/11, we invoked Article 5, becoming the first—and so far, still the only—nation to ever ask for military assistance under the auspices of NATO’s collective defense commitment. Our allies responded in full force. 

    Trump, apparently, has forgotten. He wondered, “Will they be there, if we ever needed them? And that’s really the ultimate test…will they be there?” There is no need to wonder. Our allies have already passed this ultimate test. But his teases and threats have given our allies legitimate reason to wonder whether America itself would pass the test. 

    I was in Afghanistan after 13 years of war—long after the exciting newness wore off and as domestic political opposition raged—and we still had Czech, Lithuanian, and Polish special forces, as well as conventional Australian, British, Bulgarian, Canadian, and Romanian units with us in Kandahar. Dozens of other countries still served in other parts of Afghanistan.

    Just to our west, the Taliban stronghold of Helmand Province had seen some of the heaviest fighting of the war. The British owned that sector and were primarily supported by Denmark and Estonia until U.S. Marines joined the fight as part of President Obama’s surge. The brutal fighting there led to high numbers of British casualties, contributing to their 457 dead and myriad wounded.

    Two countries even sacrificed more warriors, per capita, than we did. One was our NATO ally Denmark, of Greenland fame. The other was Georgia, a country that wasn’t even treaty-bound to help, but stepped up with heroic contributions simply because it was the right thing to do.

    Certainly, some countries’ militaries did serve primarily in support roles. Some sent police officers or doctors instead of infantrymen or special forces. Some put legal limits on their militaries’ involvement. Others, like Georgia, did not. Some only handled gate guard or tower duty—sharing those responsibilities with American units that also did not go outside the wire—but others were out patrolling, fighting, and advising every day. 

    But regardless of their specific roles, they still came. They still served. And they still sacrificed. On one tragic day, I was in our secure operations center monitoring a Romanian unit out on patrol. The live surveillance feed showed a car bomb slamming into one of their vehicles, then detonating.

    It’s indisputable that America contributed the bulk of the blood and treasure spent in our Afghanistan effort—and well we should have, considering it was America’s war in response to an attack on the American homeland.

    It is embarrassing enough that we now threaten—and executetrade wars against our closest allies, or that we try to seize land from an ally that has fought on our behalf. But it is beyond shameful and despicable to denigrate and disrespect their sacrifice as Trump has done. 

    Each country spilled its own blood and treasure standing with us. Whether they lost 457 sons and daughters or—for a lucky few countries—none, our allies came when we asked for help. 

    Those soldiers who did not die still sacrificed, losing time with their families; suffering traumatic stress from close calls; enduring lingering health effects from burn pits and desert haze. Many came home with life-changing injuries and wounds that would make bone spurs a luxury. Whether changed or lost, those lives all mattered. 

    Australian lives matter. British lives matter. Canadian lives matter. Danish lives matter. Georgian lives matter. Lithuanian lives matter. All our friends’ and allies’ lives matter—at least, they should matter.

    To all our friends and allies who joined my soldiers and me on the front lines of America’s war: Thank you for being there when we needed you most. Clearly, I cannot speak for all of my fellow countrymen, but your service and sacrifice did, does, and will always matter to me and to countless others. 

    To my fellow Americans: Our allies came when we asked, they fought where we fought, and some never came home. We cannot suggest that our allies’ sacred sacrifice was lesser simply because it was not American.

    The America that our allies believed in then is still the America worth being now. We can argue about the cause, conduct, or conclusion of our longest war, but we must not try to rewrite history and lie about who stood beside us when we asked. If we forget the truth, or allow it to be demeaned, we will not just dishonor our allies. We will become a country unworthy of the loyalty we once inspired. 

    Micah Ables is a former active duty U.S. Army infantry officer and NATO liaison who served in Afghanistan and Eastern Europe.

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  • US authorities have seized the RAMP cybercrime forum, taking down both its clearnet and dark web domains in a major hit to the ransomware infrastructure.

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